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1) K; I'A 1;T M lONT OK TIIK INTKilUOi; 

U. S. GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOfilCAL SURVEY OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN RKOION 



.1. \V. I'OWKI.l. IS t'liAmii 



A S T U D Y 



MANUSCRIPT TROANO 



OYliUH THOMAS Ph. I). 



WITH AX 



INTRODUCTION BY 1). G. BRINTON M. I). 



I KllOM "(NIN riHiil' I'loNS TO NORTH AMKUICAN KTHXOLOG V " VOL. V) 




WASHINGTON 

(Ml V i: l; N MENT PRlXTINi; nVFIOF. 
1 S S L' 



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DEPAETMENT OF THE INTEEIOE 

U. S. GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN REGION 



J. W. POWELL IN Charge 



A STUDY 



MANUSCRIPT TROANO 



CYEUS THOMAS Ph. D, 



INTR(3DUCTI0N by Df G. BRINTON M. D. 




WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTINa OFFICE 

1882 



52341 






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PREFACE 



I am fully aware that this paper bears the marks of haste and gives 
evidence of the fact that a number of the more important points are not 
worked out as thoroughly and completely as they might have been had 
more time been devoted to them. But the growing interest in the public 
mind in reference to all that relates to the past history of our continent has 
induced me to present it in its present incomplete form rather than defer its 
publication to an indefinite period, in the future. It is therefore offered to 
the pubhc more as a tentative work than with the expectation that all my 
conclusions will stand the test of criticism. 

I have endeavored, as will be seen by an examination of its contents, 
to confine my studies as strictly as possible to tlie Manuscript itself, without 
being influenced in my conclusions by the conclusions of others — using 
Landa's '■'■ Belacion" Perez's " Cronologia," Brasseur's works, and the Dresden 
Codex as my chief aids; not intending by any means to ignore the valu- 
able work done by others in the same field, but that I might remain as free 
as possible to work out results in my own line of thought. 

I may also add that at the time the main portion of the paper was 
written I was in the West, out of reach of any extensive library contain- 
ing works relating to the history, antiquities, &c , of Mexico and Central 
America. This fact I mention as an apology for the comparatively few 
works referred to in the paper. 

I have studied the Manuscript somewhat in the same way the child 
undertakes to solve an illustrated rebus, assuming as a standpoint the status 
of the semi-civilized Indian, and endeavoring, as far as possible, to proceed 
upon the same plane of thought. In other words, I have not proceeded upon 
the assumption that the pre-Columbian Indians of Yucatan were learned phi- 



V 



f 



iv PREFACE. S 

A 

losophers, thoroughly versed in science and general knowledge, but were ) 

Indians, who through some influence, whether introduced or indigenous, 

had made considerable advance in certain lines of art and science. But 

these lines, as I believe, were few and limited, relating chiefly to architect- , 

ure, sculpture, painting, and the computation of time. ^ 

As an examination of tlie Manuscript soon satisfied me that it was, to 
a great extent, a kind of religious calendar, I found it necessary first to dis- 
cuss the Maya chronological system in order to make use of the numerous 
dates found in the work — a fact that will ex^alain why so many pages of the 
first part of the paper are devoted to this subject. 

The results of my investigations are summed up at the close of this 
preface. I find the work consists of two parts: first, a calendar giving the 
dates of religious festivals running through a long period of time, in all 
probability a grand cycle of three hundred and twelve years, together with 

brief formulas; second, an illustration of^the habits, customs, and employ- j 

ments of the people. But these two subjects are mingled together through- 
out the Manuscript; the first including most of the characters or hiero- 
glyphics around the spaces; the second the figures in the spaces. 

One omission in my paper will be observed by those who are familiar V 

with the subject, that is, the failure on my part to notice and account for, in 
the Maya chronological system, the surplus days of the bissextile years. This 
omission on my part has been intentional. I can find no plan by which to 

insert them in the series, numbering them as the others, without interfering . ' 

with that order which is essential to the system itself. I have therefore 1 

proceeded upon the assumption that they are added as uncounted days, and ''^ 

hence interfere in no way with the regular order. If I am mistaken in this j 

conclusion, considerable modification in my tabular arrangement of the j 

years may be necessary, even though the general plan be correct. < 

A very seriovis drawback to the attempt to explain the written char- 
acters or hieroglyphics has been the lack on my part of a knowledge of the 
Maya language. Such a knowledge I do not claim; therefore, in this part 
of the work, the^best I could do was to quote from the lexicons, as there 

given, such words as I found it necessary to refer to. The propriety of . ' 

attempting anything in this direction without this knowledge may be justly ! 



PKEFAOE, V 

questioned. But after seriously considering this point, 1 concluded it best 
to give to the world the result of my investigations with these explanations, 
as I felt confident I had made some progress in deciphering this mysterious 
Manuscript. 

I take this opportunity of acknowledging the obligations I am under 
to Dr. D. Gr. Brinton, of Philadelphia, for the valuable notice of the Maya 
Manuscripts which he has contributed as an introduction to my paper. 



RESULTS OF MY INVESTIGATIONS OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 

These may be briefly summed up as follows: 

1st. That the work was intended chiefly as a ritual or religious calen- 
dar to guide the priests in the observance of religious festivals, and their 
numerous ceremonies and other duties. That the very large number of 
day columns and numerals, which form fully one-half of what may be 
called the written portion, are simply dates which appear to run through 
one entire grand cycle of 312 years, fixing the time when festivals should 
be held and other religious observances take place. Also that much of the 
text proper — the portion in hieroglyphics or written characters — is purely 
ritualistic, consisting of very simple formulas. 

2d. That the figures in the spaces are in some cases symbolical, in 
others simple pictographs, and, in quite a number, refer to religious ceremo- 
nies, but that in many instances they relate to the habits, customs, and oc- 
cupations of the people — as, for example, their method of capturing game, 
which, as appears from this work, was as stated by Herrera, chiefly by "gins 
and traps" — and the incidents of the chase; that which relates to the busi- 
ness of the apiarists; making ropes; the manufacture of idols; agricultural 
pursuits; occupation and duties of the females, &c. But even here we see 
the religious element pervading everything. 

3d. That the work appertained to and was prepared for a people liv- 
ing in the interior of the country, away from the sea-shore. This is inferred 
from the fact that nothing is found in it relating to fishermen, or their vessels. 



vi PEBFAOE. 

But there are reasons for believing that it pertained to a compaitui vely well- 
wooded section. 

4th. That the people of the section where it was prepared were peace- 
able, not addicted to war; and were sedentary, supporting themselves chiefly 
by agricultural products, though relying upon their "gins and traps" and 
the chase to supply them with animal food. Twelve of the plates (VIII 
to XIX) are devoted to this latter subject; ten (I* to X*) to the business, 
festivals, &c., of the apiarists and honey-gatherers; and ten (XXIV to 
XXXIII) to rains, storms, and agricultural pursuits. 

The execution and character of the work itself, as well as its contents, 
bear testimony to the fact that the people were comparatively well 
advanced in the arts of civilized life. But there is nothing here to warrant 
the glowing descriptions of their art and refinement given by some of the 
earlier as well as more modern writers, nor even to correspond with what 
might be inferred from the architectural remains in some parts of Yucatan. 
We find in the work indications of stone and wooden houses, but generally 
with thatched roofs; at least they always have wooden supports, and are of 
a temporary character. 

The dress of the males appears to have consisted of a strip of cloth 
(probably cotton), passed once or twice around the loins, with one end 
hanging down behind and the other in front, or a small flap in front and 
the ends behind. That of the females consisted of a skirt fastened at the 
waist and hanging down to the ankles. A kind of broad anklets and wrist- 
lets appear also to have been quite common with the better class, but the 
feet were always bare. The women parted their hair in the middle, that of 
the matrons or married women not being allowed to hang down, while that 
of the younger or unmarried ones was allowed to hang in long locks behind. 
'^ Mats alone seem to have been used as seats. 

The pottery, so far as I can judge by what is shown in the Manu- 
script (and in this prefatory statement I confine my remarks strictly to 
what seems to be shown here, unless otherwise expressly stated), was of an 
inferior grade as to form and decoration, but it is worthy of notice that pots 
with legs were common. Some censers in the form of a snake's neck and 
head are the best specimens represented. 



PEEFACE. Vll 

In planting their corn (maize) it was dibbled in with a curved stick, 
five grains to a hill being the established number. While at this work they 
wore a peculiar head-covering, apparently a kind of matting. The other 
cultivated plants noticed in the work appear to be cacao, cotton, and a 
leguminous species, probably a climbing bean, as it is supported by a stake. 

I judge, from a number of the figures, that their corn while growing 
was subject to the attacks of numerous insects (represented as worms or 
snakes), which ate foliage, ear, and root, and was frequently injured by 
severe storms, and also that the planted grains were pulled up by birds and 
a small quadruped. Their crops were also subject to injury by severe 
droughts, accompanied by great heat. 

The production of honey seems to have been a very important indus- 
try in the section to which the work relates, but so far I have succeeded in 
interpreting but few of the figures which refer to it. 

Rope-making (or possibly weaving) is represented on Plate XI* — a 
very simple process, which will be found described in my paper. 

Their chief mechanical work, as I judge from this Manuscript, was the 
manufacture of idols, some being made of clay and others carved of wood 
Two implements used in making their wooden images appear, from the 
figures, to have been of metal, one a hatchet, the other sharp-pointed and 
shaped much like a pair of shears. 

Spears and arrows (if such they be, for there is no figure of a bow in 
the entire work), or darts, are the only implements of warfare shown. The 
spears or darts seem to have been often thrown by means of a kind of hook, 
and guided by a piece of wood with a notch at the end. 

5th. The taking of Ufe, apparently of a slave, is indicated in one place, 
but whether as a sacrificial offering is uncertain. It is evidently not in the 
manner described by the early writers, as in this case it is by decapitation 
with a machete or hatchet, the arms being bound behind the back, and what 
is presumed to be a yoke fixed on the back of the head. This is the only 
thing in the Manuscript, except holding captives by the hair, as in the 
Mexican Codices, which can possibly be construed to indicate human sacri- 
fice. In the Dresden Codex human sacrifice in the usual way — by opening 
the breast — is clearly indicated. 



Viii PREFACE. 

6th. We learn from the figvires in the Manuscript that the cross in some 
of its forms was in use among this people as a religious emblem, and also 
that tlie bird was in some cases brought into connection with it, as at 
Palenque. 

7th. In regard to the written characters I have reached the following 
conclusions: 

That, although the movement of the figures is from the right to the 
left, and the plates should be taken in this way, at least by pairs, yet, as a 
general rule, the charactei's are in columns, to be read from the top down- 
wards, columns following each other from left to right; that when they are 
in lines they are to be read from left to right and by lines from the top 
downwards, but that lines are used onl}^ where it is not convenient to place 
the characters in columns. The correctness of this conclusion is, I think, 
susceptible of demonstration by what is found in the Manuscript. 

8th. That there is no fixed rule in reference to the arrangement of the 
parts of compound characters. The few which I have been able to decipher 
satisfactorily appear to have the parts generally arranged in an order nearly 
or quite the reverse of that in which the characters themselves are placed. 

9th. That the characters, while to a certain extent phonetic, are not 
true alphabetic signs, but syllabic. Nor will even this definition hold true 
of them all, as some appear to be ideographic and others simply abbrevi- 
ated pictorial representations. Most of the characters are compound, and 
the parts more or less abbreviated, and, as the writing is certainly the work 
of the priests, we may correctly term it hieratic. 

Landa's alphabet, I think, is the result of an attempt on his part to pick 
out of the compound characters their simple elements, which he erroneously 
supposed represented letters. The day characters are found in the Manu- 
script substantially as given by this author, but appear to have been derived 
from an earlier age, and to have lost in part their original signification. No 
month characters are found in this work, though common in the Dresden 
Codex. 

10th. That the work (the original, if the one now in existence be a 
copy) was probably written about the middle or latter half of the fourteenth 
century. This conclusion is reached first, from internal evidence alone; 



PREFACE. ix 

second, from this, together with historical evidence. The tribe appears to 
have been at the time in a peaceable, quiet, and comparatively happy con- 
dition, which will carry us back to a time preceding the fall of Mayapan, 
and before the introduction of Aztec soldiers by the Cocomes. 

11 th. I think we find conclusive evidence in the work that the Ahau 
or Katun was a period of 24 years, and the great cycle of 312; also, that 
the series commenced with a Cauac instead of a Kan year, as has been 
usually supposed. 

Lastly, I add that I think Brasseur was right in supposing that this 
work originated in that section of the peninsula known as Peten. 

CYRUS THOMAS. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



Page. 

Preface jii 

Results of my investigations of the Manuscript Troano v 

Table of Contents xi 

List of Illustrations xiii 

Introduction by Dr. D. G. Briuton xvii 

The graphic sjstem and ancient records of the Mayas xvii 

1. Introductory „ xvii 

2. Descriptions by Spanish writers ....v xix 

3. References from native sources xxvii 

4. The existing Codices xxx 

5. Efforts at interpretation xxxiv 

Chapter I. — The Manuscript and its Characters 1 

II. — The Maya Calendar r, 

III.— Explanation of Figures and Characters on Plates XX-XXIII of the Manuscript 

Troano, and 25-28 of the Dresden Codex 59 

IV. — Suggestions as to the probable meaning of some of the figures on the other plates . 

Part First of the Manuscript : 93 

Part Second of the Manuscript Ill 

v.— Symbols, Pictographs, and other Figures which cannot be properly classed as 

Written Characters 125 

VI. — The Written Characters of the Manuscript 136 

The direction in which they are to be read - 136 

The order in which the parts of compound characters are to be taken 140 

VII. — Illustrations of the Day Columns and numbers in the first part of the Manuscript . 1G2 

VIII. — A Discussion of Dates, with special reference to those of the Perez Manuscript. . . 187 

The Maya Manuscript 1S8 

Maya 188 

Translation 189 

IX.— Ins riptions en the Palenque Tablet 198 

Appendices «;09 

Appendix No. 1. — Extracts from the "Relacion de Cosas de Yucatan" oi Diego de Landa, in re- 
lation to the festivals of the supplementary or closing dai/s of the year, 

H XXXV-XXXVII. (Pp.210-226.) ,..'. ." 209 

No. 2. — Quotation from an article by Seiior Melgar 216 

No. 3. — Translation of Landa's description of the festivals hold in the difterent 

months of the year. Relacion, pp. 240-310 217 

No. 4. — Mode of Building Houses among the Yucatecs — Landa 228 

No. 5. — Manner of Baptism in Yucatan — Landa 229 

Original 229 

Translation 231 

XI 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Face Page. 

Plate I. — Fac-simile of Plate XX of the Manuscript Troano (colored) (57 

-, II. — Fac-simile of Plate XXI of the Manuscript Troano (colored) 71 

•., III. — Fac-simile of Plate XXH of the Manuscript Troano (colored) 74 

■i. IV.— Fac-simile of Plate XXIII of the Manuscript Troano (colored) 78 

■^ V.^Fao simile of Plate 2'y of the Dresden Codes (uncolored) 82 

-^ VI. — Fac-simile of Plate 26 of the Dresden Codex (uncolored) 86 

.- VII. — Fac-simile of Plate "27 of the Dresden Codex (uncolored) 90 

A VIII.— Fac-simile of Plate 28 of the Dresden Codex (uncolored) 94 

A IX.— Fac-simile of Dr. Ean's Plato of the Palenque Tablet 201 

Page. 

Fig. 1. — Comparison of Lauda's characters with those of the Manuscript Troano 2 

2. — Day characters 5 

3. — Mouth characters 6 

4. — Method of giving dates with characters - 13 

5. — Day columu, with numeral characters 22 

6.— Column of day characters 27 

7. — Time symbols from the Dresden Codex 42 

8. — Symbols of the Cardinal points 70 

9. — Stone symbol 74 

10. — Bread symbol 80 

11. — Bread symbol in another form 81 

12. — Incense symbol 92 

13. — Figure of a deity with triple-headed head-dress , 96 

14.— Time symbol from Plate VI 97 

If). — Figure of an Armadillo in a pitfixU 98 

16. — Copy of the middle and lower division of Plate XIV 99 

17. — Incense-bnrner 119 

18.— Hatchets 126 

19. — Spoar and dart (or arrow) 126 

20. — Honey symbol 127 

21.— Calendar wheel (?) 127 

22.— Mortar 127 

20.— Mortar 127 

24.— Paint cup 127 

25. — Priest painting an adoratorio or canopied seat 128 

26. — Idol in a baUIaehiu or canopied seat 128 

27. — House symbol 128 

28.— House symbol 129 

29.— House symbol 129 

30. — House or Temple symbol from Dresden Codex 131 

31. — Woman preparing material for ropes or cloth '. 131 

32. — Woman making ropes (or weaving) 132 

XIII 



xiv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Page. 

o3. — Metliod of carving "woodeu iilols 132 

34. — Method of paiuting idols 13 i 

35. — Implement, supposed to be metallic, used in carving wooden idols 133 

36. — Imxjlement ; use unknown 133 

37. — Implement, probably used as a saw 133 

38. — Cutting instrument 133 

39. — Figures of matting 133 

40.— Bat or fan I34 

41. — Bird-cage I34 

42. — Block of wood marked witii wood symbols , 134 

43. — Mimosa leaf I34 

44. — Supposed figure of a curtain ; 134 

45. — Symbol denoting "tying the years" I34 

46. — Native smoking a cigar I34 

47. — Copy of the lower division of Plate XV 138 

48. — Copy of the middle and lower divisions of Plate XIX I39 

49. — Landa's Maya Alphabet 141 

50. — Stone symbol I44 

51. — Bread symbol I44 

5'2. — Bread symbol 144 

53. — Symbols for east and west I44 

54. — Symbols for north and south I44 

55. — Character denoting "wood" , I44 

56. — Character marked on spear-heads I45 

57. — Armadillo symbol I45 

58. — Vase or oUa symbol : 145 

59. — Same character as a prefix I45 

60. — Landa's character for the month Pax I45 

61. — Pax symbol from the Dresdtn Codex I45 

62. — Similar character from the Dresden Codex 14g 

63. — Similar character from the Dresden Codex I45 

64. — Character signifying p^jecKaft — "tortilla of maize" , 145 

65. — Character in head-dress, signifying j)^oc — "hat" or "head-covering" 147 

66. — Interlaced character I47 

67. — Landa's character for Chicchan I47 

68. — Manuscript character for Chicchan I47 

69. — Character for Omal, a certain kind of tortilla 148 

70. — Character from Plate XIX 148 

71. — Group of characters from Plate XXIII* I49 

72. — Character probably signifying prayer 149 

73. — Group of characters from Plate VII * I49 

74. — Caban characters 150 

75. — Figure from Plato VIII * 150 

76.— Character from Plate XIV* 151 

77. — Manuscript character for the day Cii 151 

78. — Character from Plate V 151 

79. — Copy of the second and third divisions of Plate XXIX 152 

80. — Figure of a hand from Plate III* I53 

81. — Character from Plate III * . , I53 

82.— Character from Plate III* I53 

83.— Character from Plate III* I53 

84. — Character often figured on Plates I to X * 153 

85. — Character or symbol for East I53 

86.— Copy of two divisions of Plate XX * 154 

87.- Character from tbird division of Plate XX * 155 



INTRODUCTION xiX 



2.— DESCRIPTIONS BY SPANISH WRITERS. 

The earliest exploi'ation of the coast of Yucatan was that of Francisco 
Hernandez de Cordova, in 1517. The year following, a second expedition, 
under Juan de Grijalva, visited a number of points between the island of 
Coznmel and the Bahia de Terminos. 

Several accounts of Grijalva's voyage have been preserved, but they 
make no distinct reference to the method of writing they found in use. 
Some native books were obtained, however, probably from the Mayas, and 
were sent to Spain, where they were seen by the historian Peter Martyr. 
He describes them in general terms, and compares the characters in which 
they were written to the Egyptian hieroglyphics, some of which he had 
seen in Rome. He supposes that they contain the laws and ceremonies of 
the people, astronomical calculations, the deeds of their kings, and other 
events of their history. He also speaks in commendation of the neatness 
of their general appearance and the skill with which the drawing and paint- 
inef were carried out. He further mentions that the natives used this method 
of writing or drawing in the affairs of common life.^ 

Although Yucatan became thus early known to the Spaniards, it was 
not until 1541 that a permanent settlement was effected, in which year 
Francisco de Montejo, the younger, advanced into the central province of 
Ceh Pecli, and established a city on the site of the ancient town called 
Ichcamiho, which means "the five (temples) of many oracles (or serpents)," 
to whicli he gave the name Merida, on account of the magnificent ancient 
edifices he found there. 

Previous to this date, however, in 1534, Father Jacobo de Testera, with 
four other missionaries, proceeded from Tabasco up the west coast to the 
neighborhood of the Bay of Campeachy. They were received amicably 
by the natives, and instructed them in the articles of the Christian faith. 
They also obtained from the chiefs a submission to the King of Spain ; and 
I mention this early missionary expedition for the fact stated that each chief 
signed this act of submission "with a certain mark, like an autograph." 

' Peter Martyr, decad. iv, cap. viii. 



XX INTEODUCTION. 

Tills document was subsequently taken to Spain by the celebrated Bishop 
Las (Jasas/ It is clear from the account that some definite form of signa- 
ture was at that time in use among tlie chiefs. 

It might be objected that these signatures were nothing more than YV.de 
totem marks, such as were found even among the hunting tribes of the 
Northern Mississippi Valle}'. But Las Casas himself, in whose possession 
the documents were, here comes to our aid to refute this opinion. He was 
familiar with the picture-writing of Mexico, and recognized in the hiero- 
glyphics of the Mayas something different and superior. He says expressly 
that these had inscriptions, writings, in certain characters, the like of which 
were found nowhere else.^ 

One of the early visitors to Yucatan after the conquest was the Pope's 
commissary-general, Father Alonzo Ponce, who was there in L5S(^. Many 
natives who had grown to adult years in heathenism must have been living 
then. He makes the following interesting observation : 

" The natives of Yucatan are, among all the inhabitants of New Spain, 
especially deserving of praise for three things: First, that before the Span- 
iards came they made use of characters and letters, with which they wrote 
out their histories, their ceremonies, the order of sacrifices to their idols, 
and their calendars, in books made of the bark of a certain tree. These 
were on very long strips, a quarter or a third (of a yard) in width, doubled 
and folded, so that they resembled a bound book in quarto, a little larger 
or smaller. These letters and characters were understood only by the 
priests of the idols (who in that language are called Ahkins) and a few 
principal natives. Afterwards some of our friars learned to understand and 
read them, and even wrote them."^ 

The interesting fact here stated, that some of the early missionaries 

"' Se sujetaxon cle su propria voluntad al Seuorio de los Eeies de Castilla, recibiendo al Empcrador, 
como Rei de Espaiia, por Seuor supremo y universal, e liicierou ciertas souales, como Firmas ; las quales, 
con testimonio de los Eeligiosos Franciscos, que alii estaban, ]leY6 consigo el buen Obispo de Chiapa, 
Don Fr. Bartolome de las Casas, aiaparo, y defensa de estos Indios, qnaudo se fu<5 u Espaiia." Torque- 
mada, Monarquia Indiana, lib. xis, cap. xiii. 

""Letreros de ciertos caracteres que en otra ninguua parte." Las Casas, Sistoria apologetica de 
las Ind'.as Occidenlales, cap. cxxiii. 

^Edacion Breve y Vcrdadcra de Algunas Cosas de las miichas que siicedicron al Padre Fray Alonso 
Ponce, Conimissario General, en las Provlncias de la Naera Espaiia, in the Colcecion de Doenmcntos jJara la 
Ilistoria de Espaiia, torn. Iviii, p. 392. The other traits ho praises in the natives of Yucatan are their 
freedom from sodomy and cannibalism. 



INTRODUCTION. Xxi 

not only learned to read these characters, but employed them to instruct 
the Indians, lias been authenticated b}' a recent discovery of a devotional 
work written in this way. 

The earliest historian of Yucatan is Fr. Bernardo de Lizana.^ But I 
do not know of a single complete copy of his work, and only one imperfect 
copy, which is, or was, in the city of Mexico, from whicli the Abbd Bras- 
seur (de Bourbourg) copied and republished a few chapters. Lizana was 
himself not much of an antiquary, but he had in his hands the Manuscripts 
left by Father Alonso de Solana, who came to Yucatan in 1 565, and remained 
there till his death, in 1599. Solana was an able man, acquired thoroughly 
the Maya tongue, and left in his writings many notes on the antiquities 
of the country.^ Therefore we may put considerable confidence in what 
Lizana writes on these matters. 

The reference which I find in Lizana to the Maya writings is as follows: 

"The most celebrated and revered sanctuary in this land, and that tv) 
which they resorted from all parts, was this town and temples of Ytzamal, 
as they are now called ; and that it was fonnded in most ancient times, and 
that it is still known who did found it, will be set forth in the next chapter. 

"III. The histor}^ and tlie authorities whicli we can cite are certain 
ancient characters, scarcely understood by many, and explained by some 
old. Indians, sons of the priests of their gods, who alone knew how to read 
and expound them, and who were believed in and revered as much as the 
gods themselves," etcJ 

We have here the positive statement that these hieroglyphic inscrip- 
tions were used by the priests for recording their national histor}^, and that 
by means of them they preserved the recollection of events which took 
place in a very remote past. 

Another valuable early witness, who testifies to the same effect, is the 
Dr. Don Pedro Sanchez de Aguilar, who was cura of Valladolid, in Yucatan, 

1 Bernardo de Lizaua, Hisloria de Yucatan. Devocionario de Nueslra Senora de Izmal,ij Conquisia 
Espiritual. 8vo. Piiicix (Valladolid), 1G3.3. 

'^ For these facts see Diego Lopez Cogolludo, Eistoria de Yucatan, lib. ix, cap. xv. Cogolimlo 
adds that in his time (1650-60) Solaua's MSS. could not bo found; Lizaua may have seut them to Spain. 

^I add the original of the most important passage: "La historia y autores que podeinos alegar 
son unos autiguos caracteres, mal cntcudidos de muchos, y glossados de uuos indios autiguos, ijiu' sou 
liijos tie los sacerdofcs do sus dioses, quo son los que solo sabian leer y adivinar, y a quieu creiau rovcr- 
eneiavan como a, Dioses dcstos." 



xxii INTRODUOTIOlsr. 

in 1596, and, later, dean of the chapter of the cathedral at Merida. His 
book, too, is extremely scarce, and I have never seen a copy; but I have 
copious extracts from it, made by the late Dr. C. Hermann Berendt from a 
copy in Yucatan. Aguilar writes of the Mayas : 

"They had books made from the bark of trees, coated with a white 
and durable varnish. They were ten or twelve yards long, and were gath- 
ered together in folds, like a palm leaf On these they painted in colors the 
reckoning of their years, wars, pestilences, hurricanes, inundations, famines, 
and other events. From one of these books, which I myself took from 
some of these idolaters, I saw and learned that to one pestilence they gave 
the name Ilayacimil, and to another Ocnakuchil, which mean 'sudden deaths' 
and 'times when the crows enter the houses to eat the corpses.' And the 
inundation they called Himyecil, the submersion of trees." ^ 

The writer leaves it uncertain whether he leaned these words directly 
from the characters of the book or through the explanations of some native. 

It has sometimes been said that the early Spanish writers drew a broad 
line between the picture-writing that they found in America and an alpha- 
betic script. This may be true of other parts, but is not so of Yucatan. 
These signs, or some of them, are repeatedly referred to as "letters," letras. 

This is pointedly the case with Father Gabriel de San Buenaventura, 
a French Franciscan who served in Yucatan about 1670-80. He pub- 
lished one of the earliest grammars of the language, and also composed 
a dictionary in three large volumes, which was not printed. P\ither Beltran 
de Santa Rosa quotes from it an interesting tradition preserved by Buena- 
ventura, that among the inventions of the mythical hero-god of the natives, 
Itzamna, or Kinich ahau, was that of "the letters of the Maya language," 
with which letters they wrote their books.^ Itzamna, of course, dates back 
to a misty antiquity, but the legend is of value, as showing that the char- 
acters used by the natives did, in the opinion of the early missionaries, 
deserve the name of letters. 



' Pedro Saucliez de Aguilar, Informe contra Idolorum cuKores del OMspado de Yucatan. 4to. Madrid, 
16:i9, fl'. 124. 

^ " El primero que ball<5 las letras de la Icngua Maya 6 liiz<5 el c6mputo de los anos, meses y edades, 
y lo euseilo todo a los Indios de esta Provincia, fiio im ludio llaiiiado Kiiichaha}i, y por otrononiliro 
Tzamna." Fr. Pedro BoUrau do Santa Rosa Maria, Arte del hlioma Alai/a, p. 16 (2ded., M(Srida do Yuca- 
tan, 1850). 



INTRODUCTION. xxiii 

Father Diego Lopez Cogolludo is the best-known historian of Yucatan. 
lie Hvecl about the middle of the seventeenth century, and nays himself 
that at that time there was little more to be learned about the antiquities of 
the race. He adds, therefore, substantially nothing to our knowledge of 
the subject, although he repeats, with positiveness, the statement that the 
natives "had characters by which they could understand each other in 
writing, such as those yet seen in great numbers on the ruins of their 
buildings." '■ 

This is not very full. Yet we know to a certainty that there were 
quantities of these manuscripts in use in Yucatan for a generation after 
Cogolludo wrote. To be sure, those in the christianized districts had been 
destroyed, wherever the priests could lay tlieir hands on them; but in the 
southern part of the peninsula, on the islands of Lake Peten and adjoining 
territory, the powerful chief, Canek, ruled a large independent tribe of 
Itzas. They had removed from the northern provinces of the peninsula 
somewhere about 1450, probably in consequence of the wars which followed 
the dissolution of the confederacy whose capital was the ancierwt city of 
Ma3'apan. 

Their language was pure Maya, and they had brought with them in 
their migration, as one of their greatest treasures, the sacred books which 
contained their ancient history, their calendar and ritual, and the prophecies 
of their future fate. In the year 1697 they were attacked by the Spaniards, 
under General Don Martin de Ursua: their capital, on the island of Flores, 
in Lake Peten, taken by storm ; great numbers of them slaughtered or 
driven into the lake to drown, and the twenty-one temples whicli were on 
the island razed to the ground. 

A minute and trustworthy account of these events has been given by 
Don Juan de Villagutierre Soto -Mayor, in the course of which several 
references to the sacred books, which he calls Analtes, occur. 

The king Canek, he tells us, in reading in his Analtes, had found 
notices of the northern provinces of Yucatan and of the fact that his pre- 

' Diego Lopez Cogolludo, Historia de Yucatan, lib. iv, cap. iii. The original i.s : "No acostnm- 
toabau escribir los pleitos, auaquo teuiau caracteres con que se entcudiau, do que se veu muchos en las 
roinas do los edificios." 



Xxiv INTEODUCTIOlSr. 

decessors had come thence, and had communicated these narratives to his 
chiefs.^ 

These books are described as showing "certain characters and figures, 
painted on certain barks of trees, each leaf or tablet about a quarter (of a 
yard) wide, a^ld of the thickness of a piece of eight, folded at one edge and 
the other in the manner of a screen, called by them AnaUehes." ^ 

When the island of Flores was cajDtured these books were found stored 
in the house of the king Canek, containing the account of all that had 
happened to the tribe.^ What disposition was made of them we are not 
informed. 

I have reserved until now a discussion of the description of the Maya 
writing presented in the well-known work of Diego de Landa, the second 
bishop of Yucatan. Landa arrived in the province in August, 1549, and 
died in April, 1579, having passed most of the intervening thirty years there 
in the discharge of his religious duties. He became well acquainted with 
the language, which, for that matter, is a comparatively easy one, and though 
harsh, illiberal, and bitterly fanatic, he paid a certain amount of attention 
to the arts, religion, and history of the ancient inhabitants. 

The notes that he made were copied after his death and reached Spain, 
where they are now preserved in the library of the Royal Academy of 
History, Madrid. In 1864 they were published at Paris, with a French 
translation, hj the Abbd Brasseur (de Bourbourg). 

Of all writers Landa comes the nearest telling us how the Mayas used 
their system of writing; but, unfortunately, he also is so superficial and 
obscure that his words have given rise to very erroneous theories. His 
description runs as follows: 

"This people also used certain characters or letters, with which they 
wrote in their books their ancient matters and their sciences, and with them 
(i. e., with their characters or letters), and figures (i. e., drawings or pic- 

' "Porque lo leia su Key eu sua Aualtehcs, teuiaii Nolicias dc aquellas Proviucias de Yucatan (quo 
Analtebes, 6 Historias, es una misnia cosa) y de que sus Pasados avian Salido de ellas." Sisforia de la 
Covquista de la Frovincia de el Itza, Eiduccion y Progressos de la de cl Lacandon, etc. (folio, Madrid, 1701) 
lib. vi, cap. iv. 

Tbid., lib. vii, cap. i. 

'" Y eu su casa tambien tenia de estos Idolos, y Messa de Sacrificios, y los Analtclies, o Historias 
de todo qnanto los avia sucedido." Ibid,, lib. viii, cap. xiii. 



INTEODUGTION. XXV 

tares), and some signs in the figures, they understood their matters, and 
could explain them and teach them. We found great numbers of books in 
these letters, but as they contained nothing that did not savor of superstition 
and lies of the devil we burnt them all, at which the natives grieved most 
keenly and were greatly pained. 

"I will give here an a, h, c, as their clumsiness does not allow more, 
because they use one character for all the aspirations of the letters, and for 
marking the parts another, and thus it could go on in infinitum., as may be 
seen in the following example. Le means a noose and to hunt with one; 
to write it in their characters, after we had made them understand that there 
are two letters, they wrote it with three, giving to the aspiration of the I the 
vowel 6, which it carries before it; and in this they are not wrong so to use 
it, if they wish to, in their curious manner. After this they add to the end 
the compound part."^ 

I need not pursue the quotation. The above words show clearly tliat 
the natives did not in their method of writing analyze a word to its primitive 
phonetic elements. "This," said the bishop, "we had to do for them." There- 
fore they did not have an alphabet in tlae sense of the word as we use it. 

On the other hand, it is equally clear, from his words and examples, 
that they had figures which represented sounds, and that they combined 
these and added a determinative or an ideogram to represent words or 
phrases. 

The alphabet he gives is, of course, not one Avliich can be used as the 
Latin a, b, c. It is surprising that any scholar should ever have thought so. 
It would be an exception, even a contradiction, to the history of the evolu- 
tion of human intelligence to find such an alphabet among nations of the 
stage of cultivation of the Mayas or Aztecs. 

The severest criticism which Landa's figures have met has been from 
the pen of the able antiquary. Dr. Phillip J. J. Valentini. He discovered 
that many of the sounds of the Spanish alphabet were represented by 
signs or pictures of objects whose names in the Maya begin with that sound. 
Thus he supposes that Landa asked an Indian to write in the native char- 
acter the Spanish letter a, and the Indian drew an obsidian knife, whicli, 

'Diego do Land.i., Itelacion de las Cosas dc Titcalaii, pp. 316, 318, scq. 



XXvi INTRODUCTION. 

says Dr. Valentini, is in the Maya acli; in other words, it begins with the 
vowel a. So for the sound /ci, the Indian gave the sign of the day named 
kimich. 

Such is Dr. Valentini's theory of the formation of Landa's alphabet; 
and not satisfied with lashing with considerable sharpness those who have 
endeavored by its aid to decipher the Manuscripts and mural insci'iptions, 
he goes so far as to term it "a Spanish fabrication." 

I shall not enter into a close examination of Dr. Valentini's supposed 
identification of these figures. It is evident that it has been done by run- 
ning over the Maya dictionary to find some word beginning with the letter 
under criticism, the figurative representation of which word might bear 
some resemblance to Landa's letter. When the Maya fails, such a word is 
sought for in the Kiche or other dialect of the stock; and the resemblances 
of the pictures to the supposed originals are sometimes greatly strained. 

But I pass by these dubious methods of criticism as well as several 
lexicographic objections which might be raised. I believe, indeed, that Dr. 
Valentini is not wrong in a number of his identifications. But the conclu- 
sion I draw is a different one. Instead of proving that this is picture- 
writing, it indicates that the Mayas used the second or higher grade of 
phonetic syllabic writing, which, as I have before observed, has been shown 
by M. Aubin to have been developed to some extent by the Aztecs in some 
of their histories and connected compositions (see above page xxviii). There- 
fore the importance and authenticity of Landa's alphabet are, I think, vin- 
dicated by this attempt to treat it as a "fabrication."^ 

Landa also gives some interesting details about their books. He writes: 

"The sciences that they taught were the reckoning of the years, months, 
and days, the feasts and ceremonies, the administration of their sacraments, 
the fatal days and seasons, their methods of divination and prophecies, 
events about to happen, remedies for diseases, their ancient history, together 
with the art of reading and writing tlieir books with characters which were 
written, and pictures which represented the things written. 

"They wrote their books on a lai'ge sheet doubled into folds, which 

' Dr. Vak'utiiii's iirticlo was iiublislicd iii the Vrocvcdiuys of the American AiMquarian Societij, IbSO, 
and also separately. 



INTRODUCTION. xxvii 

was afterwards inclosed between two boards which they decorated hand- 
somely. They were written from side to side in columns, as they were 
folded. They manufactured this paper from the root of a tree and gave 
it a white surface on which one could write. Some of the principal nobles 
cultivated these sciences out of a taste for them, and although they did not 
make public use of them, as did the priests, yet they were the more highly 
esteemed for this knowledge."^ 

From the above extracts from Spanish writers we may infer that — 

1. The Maya graphic system was recognized from the first to be dis- 
tinct from the Mexican. 

2. It was a hieroglyphic system, known only to the priests and a few 
nobles. 

3. It was employed for a variety of purposes, prominent among which 
was the preservation of their history and calendar. 

4. It was a composite system, containing pictures (Jif/uras), ideograms 
(caracteres), and phonetic signs (letras). 



3.— REFERENCES FROM NATIVE SOURCES. 

We might reasonably expect that the Maya language should contain 
terms relating to their books and writings which would throw light on 
their methods. So, no doubt, it did. But it was a part of the narrow and 
crushing policy of the missionaries not only to destroy everything that 
related to the times of heathendom, but even to drop all words which 
referred to ancient usages. Hence the dictionaries are more sterile in this 
respect than we might have supposed. 

The verb "to write" is dzih, which, like the Greek ypdgysn^, meant 
also to draw and to paint. From this are derived the tei'ms chihan, some- 
thing written; chibal, a signature, etc. 

Another word, meaning to write, or to paint in black, is zahac. As a 
noun, this was in ancient times applied to a black fluid extracted from the 
sabaccJie, a species of tree, and used for dyeing and painting. In the sense 

' Diego do Lauda, Bclaciou dc las Cosas de Yucatan, p. 4-1. 



XXviii INTltODUGTIuN". 

of "to write," zahac is no longer found in the language, and insteaxl of its 
old meaning it now refers to ordinary ink. 

The word for letter or character is uooli. This is a primitive root 
found with the same or a closely allied meaning in other branches of this 
linguistic stock, as, for instance, in the Kiche and Cakchiquel. As a verb, 
pret. iiootah, fut. tiootd, it also means to form letters, to write; and from the 
passive form, uoohal, we have the participial uoui:i, uoohan, something writ- 
ten, a manuscript. 

The ordinary word for book, paper, or letter, is huun, in which the 
aspirate is almost mute, and is dropped in the forms denoting possession, as 
u tmn, my book, yimnil Dios, the book of God, il being the so-called "de- 
terminative" ending. It occurs to me as not unlikely that uiin, book, is a 
syncopated form of ttoohan, something written, given above. To read a 
book is xochun, literally to count a book. 

According to Villagutierre Soto-Mayor, the name of the sacred books 
of the Itzas was analte. In the printed Diccionaria de la Lengua Maya, by 
Don Juan Pio Perez, this is spelled anahte, which seems to be a later form. 

The term is not found in several early Maya dictionaries in my pos- 
session, of dates previous to 1700. The Abbci Brasseur, indeed, in a note 
to Landa, explains it to mean "a book of wood," but it can have no such 
signification. Perhaps it should read hunilte, this being composed of hunil, 
the "determinative" form of Jmun, a book, and the termination te, which, 
added to nouns, gives them a specific sense, e. g. amagte, a square figure, 
from ainay, an angle; tzuciibtt, a province, from Uuc, a portion separated 
from the rest. It would mean especially the sacred or national books. 

The particular class of books which were occupied with the calendar 
and the ritual were called tsolante, which is a participial noun from the verb 
tzol, passive tzolal, to set in order, to arrange, with the suffix U. By these 
books were set in order and arranged the various festivals and fasts. 

When the conquest was an accomplished fact and the priests had got 
the upper hand, the natives did not dare use their ancient characters. Thej^ 
exposed themselves to the suspicion of heresy and the risk of being burnt 
alive, as more than once happened But their strong passion for literature 
remained, and they gratified it as far as they dared by writing in their own 



INTRODUCTION. xxix 

tongue witli the Spanish alphabet vohunes whose contents arc very simihu- 
to those described by Landa (above, page xxvi). 

A number of these are still in existence and offer an interesting field 
for antiquarian and linguistic study. Although, as I say, they are no longer 
in the Maya letters, they contain quite a number of ideograms, as the signs 
of the days and the months, and occasional cartouches and paintings, which 
show that they were made to resemble the ancient manuscripts as closely 
as possible. 

They also contain not infrequent references to the "writing'' of the 
ancients, and what are alleged to be extracts from the old records, chiefly 
of a mystic character. The same terms are employed in speaking of the 
ancient graphic system as of the present one. Thus in one of them, known 
as "The Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel," occurs this phrase: Bay 
d^ibanil tumenel Evangelistas yetel profeta Balam — "as it was written by the 
Evangelists, and also by the prophet Balam," this Balam being one of their 
own celebrated ancient seers. 

Among the predictions preserved from a time anterior to the Conquest, 
there are occasional references to their books and their contents. I quote, 
as an example, a short prophecy attributed to Ahkul Chel, "priest of the 
idols." It is found in several of the oldest Maya manuscripts, and is in all 
probability authentic, as it contains nothing which would lead us to suppose 
that it was one of the "pious frauds" of the missionaries. 

"J^nM oibte katune yume, maixtan a naate; 
Ualac u talel, mac bin ca oabac Ui co3 pop; 
Katune yume bin iduc, liolom uil tucal ya; 
Tali ti xaman, tali ti chikine; ahkinob nil yane yume; 
Mac to alikin, mac to ahbohaf, bin alic u than itoolie, 
Tchil Bolon Ahau, maixtan a naate f" 

"The lord of the cycle has been written down, but ye Avill not under- 
stand; 

He has come, who will give the enrolling of the years; 

The lord of the cycle will arrive, he will come on account of his love; 



XXX ' IHTEODUOTION. 

He came from the north, from the west. There are priests, there are 

fathers, 

But what priest, what prophet, shall explain tllfe words of the books, 
In the Ninth Ahau, which ye will not understand?"^ 
From this designedly obscure chant we perceive that the ancient priests 
inscribed their predictions in books, which were afterward explained to the 
people. The expression bin alic u than %wolie — literally, "he will speak the 
words of the letters" — seems to point to a phonetic writing, but as it may 
be used in a figurative sense, I shall not lay stress on it.^ 



4.— THE EXISTmG CODICES. 

The word Codex ought to be confined, in American archaeology, to 
manuscripts in the original writing of the natives. Some writers have 
spoken of the "Codex Chimalpopoca," the "Codex Zumarraga," and the 
"Codex Perez," which are nothing more than manuscripts either in the native 
or Spanish tongues written with the Latin alphabet. 

Of the Maya Codices known, only three have been published, which I 
will mention in the order of their appearance. 

The Dresden Codex. — This is an important Maya manuscript preserved 
in the Royal Library at Dresden. How or when it came to Europe is not 
known. It was obtained from some unknown person in Vienna in 1739. 



'I add a few notes on this text : 

Enid is the preterit of the irregular verb Ml, to be, pret. enlii, fut. enac. Eatun yum, father or 
lord of the Katuu or cycle. Each Katim was under the protection of a special deity or lord, who con- 
trolled the events which occurred iu it. Tti cooxiop, lit., "for the rolling up of Pop," which was the 
first month in the Maya year. ^ToZom is an archaic future from lad; this form iu o»i is mentioned by 
Buenaventura, Arte cle la Lengua Maya, 1684, and is frequent in the sacred language, but does not occur 
elsewhere. Tucal ya, on .iccount of his love ; but ya means also "suffering," " wound," and "strength," 
and there is no clue which of these significations is meant. Ahkinob; the original has tukinoh, which I 
suspect is an error; it would alter the phrase to mean "In that day there are fathers "or lords, the word 
yum, father, being constantly used for lord or ruler. The a/i7a/i was the priest; the fl/iio6at was a diviner 
or prophet. The 9th Ahau Katun was the period of 20 years which began in 1541, according to most 
native authors, but according to Landa's reckoning in the year 15G1. 

2 In quoting and explaining Maya words and phrases iii this article, I have in all instances fol- 
lowed the Dkcionario Maya-Espafiol del Convento de Motul (Yucatan) ; a copy of which in manuscript 
(one ofthe only two in existence) is in my possession. It was composed about 1580. The still older Maya 
dictionary of Father Villalpando, printed in Mexico in 1571, is yet in existence in cue or two copies, but i 
have never seen it. 



INTRODUCTIO^ST. XXX i 

Tliis Codex corresponds in size, appearance, and manner of foldino- to 
the descriptions of the Maya books which I have presented above from 
Spanisli sources. It has thirty-nine leaves, thirty-five of which are colored 
and inscribed on both sides, and four on one side only, so that there are 
only seventy-four pages of matter. T'he total length of the sheet is 3.5 
meters, and the height of each page is 0.2;'5 meter, the width 0.085 meter. 

The first publication of any portion of this Codex was by Alexander 
von Humboldt, who had five pages of it copied for his work, Vues des Cor- 
d'illeres et Monumens des Peuples Indigenes de PAmeriqiie, issued at Paris in 
1813 (not 1810, as the title-page has it). It was next very carefully copied 
in full by the Italian artist, Agostino Aglio, for the third volume of Lord 
Kingsborough's great work on Mexican Antiquities, the first volume of which 
appeared in 1831. 

From Kingsborough's work a few pages of the Codex have been from 
time to time republished in other books, which call for no special mention. 

Two pages were copied from the original in 1855, and appeared in 
Wuttke's GescliicMe der Sclirift, Leipzig, 1872. 

Finally, in 1880, the whole was very admirably chi-omo-photographed 
by A. Naumann's establishment at Leipzig to the numl)er of fifty copies, 
forty of which were placed on sale. It is the fir^t work which was ever 
published in chromo-photography, and has, therefore, a high scientific as 
well as antiquarian interest. 

The editor was Dr. E. Forstemann, aulic counselor and librarian-in- 
chief of the Roj'al Library. He wrote an introduction (17 pp. 4to) givino- 
a history of the manuscript, and bibliographical and other notes upon it of 
much value. One opinion he defends must not be passed b}^ in silence. It 
is that the Dresden Codex is not one but parts of two original manuscripts 
written by different hands. 

It appears that it has always been in two unequal fragments, which all 
previous writers have attributed to an accidental injury to the orio-inal. Dr. 
Forstemann gives a number of reasons for believing that this is not the cor- 
rect explanation, but that we have here portions of two different l)ooks, 
having general similarity but also many points of diversity. 

This separation led to an erroneous (or perh;ips erroneous) sequence of 



XXxii INTRODUCTION. 

the pages in Kingsborough's edition. The artist Aglio took fii'st one frag- 
ment and copied both sides, and tJien proceeded to the next one; and it is 
not certain that in either case he begins with the first page in the original 
order of the book. 

The Codex Peresiamis, or Codex Mexicanus, No. II, of the BibliotJieque 
Naiionale of Paris. — This fragment — for it is unfortunately nothing more — 
was discovered in 1859 by Prof Leon de Rosny among a mass of old papers 
in the National Library. It consists of eleven leaves, twenty-two pages, 
each 9 inches long and 5| inches wide. The writing is very much defaced, 
but was evidently of a highly artistic character, probably the most so of 
any manusci'ipt known. It unquestionably belongs to the Maya manu- 
scripts. 

Its origin is unknown. The papers in which it was wrapped bore the 
name "Perez," in a Spanish hand of the seventeenth century, and hence the 
name "Peresianus" was given it. By order of the Minister of Public In- 
struction ten photographic copies of this Codex, without reduction, were pre- 
pared for the use of scholars. None of them was placed on sale, and so 
far as I know the only one which has found its way to the United States is 
that in my own library. An ordinarj^ lithographic reproduction was given 
in the Archives imUographiques de T Orient et de VAmerique, tome i (Paris, 
1869-'71). 

The Codex Tro, or Troano. — The publication of this valuable Codex we 
owe to the enthusiasm of the Abbd Brasseur (de Bourbourg). On his return 
from Yucatan in 1864 he visited Madrid, and found this Manuscript in the 
possession of Don Juan de Tro y Ortolano, professor of paleography, and 
himself a descendant of Hernan Cortes. The abbd named it Troano, as a 
compound of the two names of its former owner; but later writers often 
content themselves by referring to it simply as the Codex Tro. 

It consists of thirty-five leaves and seventy pages, each of which is 
larger than a page of the Dresden Codex, but less than one of the Codex_ 
Peresianus. It was published by chromolithography at Paris, in 1869, 
prefaced by a study on the graphic system of the Mayas by the abb(^, and 
an attempt at a translation. The reproduction, which was carried out under 
the efficient care of M. Leonce Angrand, is extremely accurate. 

All three of these codices were written on paper manufactured from 



INTEODUCTION. XXxiii 

the leaves of the maguey plant, such as that in common use in Mexico. In 
Maya the maguey is called ci, the varieties being distinguislied by various 
prefixes. It grows luxuriantly in most parts of Yucatan, and although the 
favorite tipple of the ancient inhabitants was mead, they were not unac- 
quainted with the intoxicating pulque, the liquor from the maguey, if we can 
judge from their word for a drunkard, ci-vinic (vinic=z man). The old writers 
•were probably in error when they spoke of the books being made of the 
barks of trees; or, at least, they were not all of that kind. 

The above-mentioned tliree Manuscripts are the only ones which have 
been published. I shall not enumerate those which exist in private hands. 
So long as they are withheld from the examination of scientific men they 
can add nothing to the general stock of knowledge, and as statements about 
them are not verifiable it is useless to make any. I may merely say that 
there are two in Europe and two or three in Mexico, whicli, from the 
descriptions I have heard or read of them, I think are probably of Maya 
origin. 

In addition to the Manuscripts, we have the mural paintings and 
inscriptions found at Palenque, Copan, Chichen Itza, and various ruined 
cities within the boundaries of the Maya-speaking races. There is no mis- 
taking these inscriptions. They are unquestionably of the same character 
as the Manuscripts, although it is also easy to perceive variations, which are 
partly owing to the necessary diiferences in technique between painting and 
sculpture ; partly, no doubt, to the separation of age and time. 

Photographs and "squeezes" have reproduced many of these inscrip- 
tions with entire fidelity. We can also depend upon the accurate pencil of 
Catherwood, whose delineations have never been equalled. But the pictures 
of Waldeck and some other travelers do not deserve any confidence, and 
should not be quoted in a discussion of the subject. 

Both in the inscriptions, manuscripts, and paintings the forms of the 
letters are rounded, and a row of them presents the outlines of a number of 
pebbles cut in two. Hence the system of writing has been called " cal- 
culiform," from calculus, a pebble. The expression has been criticised, 
but I agree with Dr. Forstemann in thinking it a very appropriate one. It 
was suggested, I believe, by the Abbe Brasseur (de Bourbourg). 

Ill M T 



xxxiv INTEODUCTION. 

5.— EFFOETS AT INTEEPEETATION. 

The study of the Maya hieroglyphic system is still in its infancy. It 
is only two years since an unquestionably faithful reproduction of the 
Di'esden Codex supplied a needed standard of comparison for the Codex 
Troano. Some knowledge of the Maya language, if not indispensable, is 
certainly desirable in such an undertaking, particularly if the writing is in 
any degree phonetic. But it was not till 1877 that any printed dictionary 
of that tongue could be had. The publication of the Diccionario de la 
Lengua Maya of Don Juan Pio Perez was completed in that year, and, 
though still leaving much to be desired, especially in reference to the ancient 
forms and meanings of words, it is a creditable monument of industry. 

When the Abb^ Brasseur edited the Codex Troano he also attempted an 
explanation of its contents. He went so far as to give an interlinear version 
of some pages, and wonderful woi'k he made of it! But I am relieved of 
expressing an opinion as to his success by his own statement in a later work, 
that he had, by mistake, commenced at the end of the Codex instead of its 
beginning; that he had read the lines from right to left, when he should 
have read them from left to right; and that his translations were not intended 
for more than mere experiments.^ 

The attempt at a translation of the Dresden Codex by Mr. William 
Bollaert, published in the Memoirs of the Anthropological Society of London, 
1870, may be passed over for the same reason. He also "read from the 
bottom upwards, and from right to left," and his renderings were altogether 
fanciful. 

The first who addressed himself to an investigation of the Maya 
hierogl3q3hics with anything like a scientific method was M. Hyacinthe 
de Charencey, of France. I append, in a note, a list of his essays on this 
subject, with their dates, so far as I know them." When they first appeared 

' Br jsseur de Bourbourg, Bibliothique Mexico-Guaiemalienne, priMeo d'un Coup d'CEil sur les l^tudes 
Anwricaines, p. xxvii, note (Paris, 1871). 

- Il.vaciutlie fie Charencey, Essai dc DicMfremenl d'un fragment ^inscription Palenquiene, in the 
Actes do la SociettS Philologique, mars 1870. 

Ussai de D6chiffrement d'un fragment du Manuscript Troano, in the Eevue dc Philologie et d' Ethio- 
grapliic, Paris, 1875. 

The above two were republished under the title: &udes dc raJcograpMo Amdricainc ; Ddchiffremcnt 
dcs Jicriturcs Calculiformcs ou Mayas. 

licchcrclics sur le Codex Troano, Paris, Ernest Leroux, (Sditeur, 1870, &vo., p. l(j. 



INTKODUGTION. XXXV 

I translated the results, and gave them to the public in this country in the 
same year (1870), together with a copy of the alphabet of Landa,^ which 
was the earliest notice of the subject which ajDpeared in the United States. 

The conclusion which M. de Charencey reached was that the Codex 
Troano is "largely made up of combinations of numerals and reckonings 
more or less complicated, either astronomical or astrological, the precise 
purpose of which it were as yet premature to state." He especially ad- 
dressed himself to the Plates VIII to XIII, and showed by diagrams the 
arrangement in them of the signs of the days, and the probability that this 
arrangement was taken from a "wheel," such as we know the Mayas were 
accustomed to use in adjusting their calendar. 

An ingenious and suggestive analysis of Landa's alphabet and of various 
figures in the Dresden and Troano Codices was carried out by Dr. Harrison 
Allen, professor of comparative anatomy in the University of Pennsylvania. 
It was published in 1875, in the Transactions of the American PhilosopMcal 
Society. 

In the following year (1876) appeared the first part of Prof. Leon de 
Rosn3^'s Essai sur le Dechiffrement de r^criture Hieratique de VAmerique Cen- 
trale, folio. The second part was published shortly afterward, but the third 
part not till some years later. Professor de Rosny has collected many 
facts which throw a side light on the questions he discusses. He points 
out that the signs are to be read from left to right; he gives a valuable list 
of variants of the same sign as it appears in different manuscripts; and he 
distinguishes the signs of the cardinal points, although it is doubtful whether 
he assigns to each its correct value. He has also offered strong evidence 
to fix the phonetic value of some characters. Altogether, his work ranks 
as the most thorough and fruitful which has heretofore been done in this field. 

In 1879 Prof. Charles Ran published, through the Smithsonian Insti- 
tution, his work, "The Palenque Tablet in the United States National Mu- 
seum, Washington." Its fifth chapter is devoted to the "aboriginal writing in 
Mexico, Yucatan, and Central America," and offers a judicious summary of 
what had been accomplished up to that date. Pie defends the j^osition, 

'The Aucient Phouetic Alphabet of Yucatan. By D. G. Brinton, M. D. New York, J. Sabiii & 
3ons, 1870, 8vo., ji. 8. 



XXXvi INTEODUCTION. 

which I think is unquestionably the correct one, that the Maya writing is 
certainly something more than systematized picture-writing, and yet that 
we cannot expect to find in it anything corresponding to our own alphabet. 

In the same year (1879) Dr. Carl Schultz-Sellack published in the 
Zeitschrift fur JEtlmologie, Bd., XI, tli eresults of some studies he had made 
of the Dresden Codex, compared with others published in Kingsborough's 
work, especially with reference to the signs of the gods of the cardinal 
points. He recognized the same signs as De Rosny, but arranged them 
differently. Many of his comparisons of Maya with Aztec pictographs are 
suggestive and merit attentive consideration ; but he speaks a great deal too 
confidently of their supposed close relationship.^ 

Although Dr. Forstemann, in his introductory text to the Dresden 
Codex (1880), expressly disclaims any intention to set up as an expounder 
of its contents, he nevertheless compared carefully the three published 
codices, and offers (pp. 15-17) a number of acute suggestions and striking 
comparisons, which the future student must by no means overlook. 

Finally, the "Studies in American Picture-Writing" of Prof. Edward 
S. Holden, published in the "First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnol- 
ogy, 1881," are to be included in the list. He devotes his attention princi- 
pally to the mural inscriptions, and only incidentally to the Manuscripts. 
The method he adopts is the mathematical one employed in unriddling 
cryptography. By its application he is convinced that the writing is fi-om 
left to right, and from above downward; that the signs iised at Copan and 
Palenque were the same, and had the same meaning; that in proper names, 
at least, the picture-writing was not phonetic; and that in all probability it 
had no phonetic elements in it whatever. 

As Professor Holden states that he is entirely unacquainted with the 
Maya language, and but slightly with the literature of the subject; as his 
method would confessedly not apply to the characters, if phonetic, without 
a knowledge of the Maya; and as he assumes throughout his article that 
the mythology and attributes of the Maya divinities were the same as those 
of the Aztec, for which the evidence is very far from sufficient, we must 

' Dr. Sobultz-Scllack's article is entitled " Die Amerikanischcn Giittcr der Vim- Weligegendeu und 
Hire Tcmpel in Palcntiuc." 



INTRODUCTION. XXXvii 

place his 'attempt at decipherment along with others which have failed 
through an inadequate grasp of the factors of the problem. Nevertheless, 
his attentive study of the relative positions of the signs have yielded results 
which will merit the thanks of future students. 



A STUDY Of THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 



BY CYRUS THOMAS. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE MANUSCRIPT AND ITS CHARACTER. 

This manuscript was found about the year 1866/ at Madrid, Spain, by 
the Abbe Brasseur de Bourbourg, wliile on a visit to the hbrary of the 
Royal Historical Academy, and named by him "Manuscript Troano," in 
honor of its possessor, Don Juan de Tro y Ortolano. 

So far as I am aware, nothing more is known in reference to its history; 
we are not even informed by its last owner where or how he obtained it. 
In ordinary cases this would be sufficient to arouse our suspicions as to its 
genuineness, but in this case the work itself is sufficient to dispel all such 
suspicions, a fact which will become apparent to the reader before reaching 
the end of the present paper. 

This work was reproduced in facsimile by a chromolithographic process, 
by the Commission Scientifique clu Mexique under the auspices of the French 
Government, Brasseur being the editor. 

The original is written on a strip of Maguey paper about 14 feet long 
and 9 inches wide, the surface of which is covered witli a wliite paint or 
varnish, on which the characters and figures are painted in black, red, blue, 
and brown It is folded fan-like into thirty-five folds, presenting, when 
these are pressed together, the appearance of an ordinary octavo volume. 
The hieroglyphics and figures cover both sides of the paper, foi-ming 
seventy pages; the writing and painting of the figures having been ex- 

1 I cannot find that tlie exact date of the discovery is given anywhere. Bancroft says "about 
1865," hut a careful examination of Brasseur's Introduction satisfies me it was at least as late as 1806. 
1 M T 



4 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO. 

To be able to decide positively whetliei* this opinion of the Abbe's 
was correct or not, would, I felt, be taking one important step toward ascer- 
taining the contents of this mysterious document, as these day columns 
form a considerable part of it. 

The frequent occurrence of numerals in connection with these day 
characters appeared to indicate dates or the numbering of days, somewhat 
as we find them in our ordinary calendars. 

How to verify or disprove this inference was the first problem that 
presented itself 



CHAPTEll II. 



THE MAYA CALENDAR. 

The Maya divisions of time (no notice is taken here of the divisions 
of the day) were as follows: The day, the week, the month, the year, the 
five intercalated days, the week of years, the Ahau or Katun, the cycle of 
fifty-two years, and the Ahau Katun or great epoch. 

The day ("Kin" or Sun) was used in the ordinary sense, each of the 
twenty days of the month having its name, as we name the days of our 
week, and its character or hieroglyph, as follows: 

KAN. CHICCHAN. CIM!. MAN IK. LAMAT. 



^cr> 




MULUC. 






© @ 



IX. 




t^v.^ 



CAUAC, 



MEN. 



an/S 



CIB. 







AHAU. 

Fig. 2. — Day characters. 

The characters here given are copied from Landa's work, our only 
original authority on this point. There are several important variations 
from these forms found in the Manuscript, but these, the orthography of 
the names according to different authors, together with the significations of 
the names, have been given by others, hence will not be repeated here. 
Although the month did not always commence with the same day, the order 
of the days as here given, to wit, Kan, Chicchan, Cimi, Manik, Lamat, 

5 



6 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO. 



Muluc, Oc, Cliuen, Eb, Ben, Ix, Men, Cib, Caban, Ezanab, Cauac, Ahau, 
Ymix, Ik, Akbal, was always preserved. For example, if the month began 
with Muluc, the second day would be Oc, the third Chuen, and so on to 
Akbal; then followed Kan, just as we would name seven days com- 
mencing, say, with Wednesday, then Thursday, Friday, Saturday, Sunday, 
Monday, &c. 

The Maya year contained 365 days and consisted of two unequal parts, 
as follows: 360 days, or the year proper, divided into eighteen months of 
twenty days each; and five intercalary days, which were added at the end 
in order to complete the number 365. 

The eighteen months were named and numbered as follows: 
1. Pop; 2. Uo; 3. Zip; 4. Tzoz; 5. Tzec; 6. Xul; 7. Yaxkin; 8. Mol; 
9. Chen; 10. Yax; 11. Zac; 12. Ceh; 13. Mac; 14. Kankin; 15. Muan; 16. 
Pax; 17. Kayab; 18. Cumhu. 



go P. 



UO, 



ZIP. 



TZ02V T2:ec» 




Fig. 3. — Month characters. 

The year always commenced with the same month — Pop — the others 
invariably following in the order given, so that the number of the month 
being given we know its name. 

But eighteen months of twenty days each not completing the year, five 
days were added after the close of Cumhu — not as a part of that month, 
for no month could have either more or less than twenty days — to complete 



THOMAS.) METHOD OF NUMBEEING THE DAYS. 7 

the number 365, and were called "nameless days" (thougli in reality named 
as other days), and were considered unlucky. 

If the year began with Kan, the last day of the eighteenth month — 
Cumhu — would, as a matter of course, be Akbal, the last of the twenty. 
The five intercalated days were named in regular order following the last 
of Cumhu, and in this case would be Kan, Chicchan, Cimi, Manik, and 
Lamat. The next — Muluc — would begin the new year. Muluc being the 
first day of the month, Lamat would necessarily be the last — the five added 
days at the end of the year would be Muluc, Oc, Chuen, Eb, and Ben, 
making Ix the first of the following year. Ix being the first, Ben would be 
the last of Cumhu, and the added days being Ix, Men, Cib, Caban, and 
Ezanab, Cauac would be the first of the next year, the added days would 
close with Akbal, and the following year commence with Kan. It will be 
seen from this, that the year always commenced with one of the four days, 
Kan, Muluc, Ix, Cauac, following each other regularly in the order given. 

If these were all the peculiarities of the system, the Maya calendar 
would be comparatively simple and easily understood. 

But another method of numbering the days was introduced, doubtless 
long after the calendar had assumed a regular form, and probably by the 
priests, for the purpose of complicating it and rendering it as far as possible 
unintelligible to the people. This was to limit the number to thirteen, or, 
in other words, to divide the year into periods of thirteen days. I have 
followed other modern authors in calling this period a week, though it ap- 
pears the Mayas gave it no name, nor in fact do they seem to have consid- 
ered it a period, but simply a method of numbering the days and years. 
As there were twenty names of days to be used, the introduction of this 
system of thirteen numerals, as the one chiefly adopted in giving dates, 
necessarily greatly complicated the calendar, and, together with the inter- 
calation of the five days at the end of the year, produced some singular 
results. 

To illustrate this I give first a list of days for one month (Table No. I) 
numbered according to this system, following it with a table (No. II) num- 
bered in the same way for an entire year — something after the manner of 
our common counting-house calendar. 



8 



STUDY OF THE MANUSOEIPT TEOANO. 



















Tab 


L,E 


I. 






















J. Kau. 






6. Muluc. 11. Ix. 






3. 


Cauac. 




2. Cliicclian. 




7. Oc. 12. Meu. 






4. 


Ahau. 




3. Ciini. 






8. Clmeu. 13. Cib. 






5. 


Yinbc. 




4. Mauik. 






9. Bb. 1. Cabau. 






6. 


Ik. 






5. Lam at. 






10. Beu. 2. Ezanab. 






7. 


Akbal, 










Table II. 














Names of til e 
luontlis. 


ci 
o 

P4 


6 






o 


t 


a 

>* 


o 


Si 

O 


k5 


c5 


a; 
O 


C8 


"a 

cS 


a 
1 


1 


4 


a 

1 
a 


.a 
+^ 

° ^ 

.a 

a 

a 


Numbers of 
themoQths 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


G 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


14 


15 


16 


17 


18 


Names of the 
days. 








































Kan 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


1 


Chicchan 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


2 


Cimi 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


3 


Manik 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


4 


Lamat 


r> 


12 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


11 


y 


12 


6 


13 


7 


5 


Muluc 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


6 


Oc 


7 


1 


8 


2 


P 


S 


10 


(1 


11 


S 


T^ 


fi 


13 


7 


1 


8 


"> 


9 


7 


Cbuen 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


8 


Eb 


q 


3 


10 


4 


11 


■^ 


I'' 


fi 


13 


7 


1 


R 





9 


S 


10 


A 


11 


9 


Ben 


10 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


12 


10 


Ix 


11 


"S 


T^ 


(i 


n 


7 


1 


8 


o 


q 


•^ 


10 


i\ 


11 


•S 


1'' 


fi 


13 


11 


Men 


la 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


13 


7 


1 


12 


Cib 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


13 


Caban 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


14 


Ezauab 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


15 


Cauao 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


16 


Ahau 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


17 


Ymix 


5 


12 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


13 


7 


18 


Ik 


(^ 


13 


7 


1 


q 


o 





3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


10 


fi 


13 


7 


1 


8 


19 


Akbal 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


3 


10 


4 


11 


5 


12 


6 


13 


7 


1 


8 


2 


9 


20 




; se( 

se c 

fol 

T 


ml 
!om 
ow 
hej 


)y examining this table, the 
mences with Kan, the other 
ing in regular order as here- 
" are numbered regularly 


O 

0) 


Ka 
Chi 
Cin 
Ma 
Lai 








10 
11 
12 
13 
1 




It will be 


cclia 
li - . 


n .- - 






year in this ca 








nineteen days 


aik. 
nat 








tofoi-e given. 








ATii-n n^np nnfil 













mence again with one, the month ending with Akbal 7. 



THOMAS.] 



NAMES AND NUMBERS OF THE YBAES. 



9 



The second month — Uo — begins with 8 Kan; when we reach 13, which 
is now Muluc, we must follow it with 1 Oc, and so on to the end of the 
year. Tlie last day of Cumhu in this case will be 9 Akbal and the last of 
the five intercalated days 1 Lamat; it follows therefore that the first day of 
the next year will be 2 Muluc. If we run through this second year in the 
same way, commencing it with 2 Muluc followed by 3 Oc, 4 Chuen, and so 
on, we shall find that the third year will begin with 3 Ix; continuing this 
process we ascertain that the fourth commences with 4 Catxac, the fifth with 5 
Kan, the sixth with 6 Muluc, the seventh witli 7 Ix, the eighth with 8 Cauac, 
the ninth with 9 Kan, the tenth with 10 Muluc, the eleventh with 11 Ix, the 
twelfth with 12 Cauac, tlie thirteenth with 13 Kan, the fourteenth with 1 
Muluc, the fifteenth with 2 Ix, and so on. From this we see that no year, 
after the first, commences with a day numbered 1 until thirteen have been 
completed, thus forming a period of 13 years, or as it is designated, "A 
week of years" or "Indication." By continuing the above ^^rocess Ave shall 
find that no year will again commence with 1 Kan until 52, (or 13X4,) — 
are completed. 



Table III. 



Table IV. 



KAN TABLE. 



CAUAC TABLE. 





«5 

5 ■ 


1— 1 


Q 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1* 


2 


a 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9' 


10 


11 


12 


13 



6 


p 

cS 

M 


Muluc. 


1— 1 


1 


2 


3 


4 


6 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


C 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1* 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 



10 A STUDY or TEE MANUSCEIPT TROANO. 

In order to make this as plain as possible I will give here a table of 
years for one cycle of 52 years. As there is some doubt as to which of 
tlie two yeai's — 1 Kan or 1 Cauac — the cycle began with, I give tables (Nos. 
Ill and IV) for both. 

By this time the I'eader is sufficiently conversant with this sytem to 
know that if the cycles commence with 1 Kan, as in the left-hand table 
(No. Ill), the year following 13 Cauac would be 1 Kan and the commence- 
ment of another cycle. If the true method were as given in the right-hand 
table (No. IV), then 13 Ix would be followed by 1 Cauac, the first year of the 
next cycle. This follows, as will readily be seen, from the fact that 52 is 
the least common multiple of 4 and 13. 

The importance of knowing which one of these arrangements was that 
used by the Mayas will be apparent from the following illustration: A cer- 
tain event is dated a particular day in the year 1 Ix; if the table we have 
headed 1 Kan be correct it would then be in the 27th year of the cycle; 
if the other be the true method it would then be in the 40th year of the 
cycle, or thirteen years later. These years are marked with a star in Tables 
III and IV. 

As this system admits of fifty-two changes in the day on which the 
year begins, it would require fifty-two difi'erent calendars to cover one 
cycle, just as fourteen calendars are required to suit all the years of our 
system, seven for the ordinary years and seven for the leap-years. As it 
would require much time and space to write these out in full, I have adopted 
the expedient shown in the following table (No. V), of abbreviating the 
work. 

First we have at the left four columns, each containing the names of 
the twenty days of the month. As I am inclined to believe that the author 
of the manuscript adopted the system which had Cauac as the first day of 
the cycle, the first or left-hand column commences with this day, the others, 
Kan, Muluc, and Ix, following in the order in which they are found in the 
list of days. The first column is therefore the one to be used for all the 
Cauac years; the second for all the Kan years; the third for all the Muluc 
years, and the fourth for all the Ix years. The reader must be careful to 
remember, that when one day of the month is determined it determines all 



TUOJIAS.J 



CONDENSED MAYA CALENDAR. 



11 



tlie I'est, and as a consequence all the rest of the year; therefore when we 
find what the first day of the year is, we can easily determine any day of 
any month. As each of the four leading days or "year-bearers," as they 
were called by the Mayas, can have but thirteen different numbei's it is 
unnecessary to extend our columns of numbers further than thirteen. 

Table V. 



Canao 
column. 



Cauac 

Abau 

Ymix 

Ik 

Akbal 

Kan 

Chicchan .. 

CJmi 

Manik 

Lamat 

Muluc 

Oc 

Chuen 

Eb 

Ben 

Ix 

Men 

Cib 

Caban 

Ezanab 



Kan 
column. 



Kan 

Ubiccban.. - 

Cimi 

llanik .. 
Lamat. . - 
Muluc... 

Oc 

Cbuen... 

Eb 

Ben 

Ix 

Men 

Cib 

Caban . . . 
Ezanab.. 
Cauac . . . 

Abau 

Tmix 

Ik 

Akb.al... 



Muluc 
column. 



Muluc 

Oc 

Cbuen 

Eb 

Ben 

Ix 

Men 

Cib 

Caban 

Ezanab... 

Canac 

Abau 

Yraix 

Ik 

Akbal.... 

Kan 

Cbicchan. 

Cimi 

Manik . . . 
Lamat 



Ix 

column. 



Ix 

Men 

Cib 

Caban 

Ezanab... 

Cauac 

Aban 

Ymix 

Ik 

Akbal.... 

Kan 

Chiccban . 

Cimi 

Manik — 

Lamat 

Muluc 

Oc 

Cbuen 

Eb 

Ben 



10 



12 



1.3 



No3. of 

the 
months. 



Days of 
month. 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

G 

7 

8 

9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
16 
16 
17 
18 
10 
20 



By referring to the table No. II of days and months we observe that 
when we have completed the thirteenth column, or the column of the 
thirteenth month, the next, or fourteenth month, commences with 1; just as 
the first month; the fifteenth with 8, as the second; the sixteenth with 2, as 
the third; the seventeenth with 9, as the fourth; and the eighteenth with 
3, as the fifth. Instead therefore of having eighteen columns in our table, 
we need extend it only so as to include the thirteenth, as we can use the 
first, second, third, fourth, and fifth for the fourteenth, fifteenth, sixteenth, 
seventeenth, and eighteenth months respectively, as indicated by the num- 
bers of the months which we have placed above the table over the figure 



12 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 

columns. The reader must bear in mind that, although we have numbered 
the months as commencing with the left-hand column, which has 1 for its 
upper figure, yet this only holds good when the year is 1 Cauac, 1 Kan, 1 
Muluc, or 1 Ix, and for none of the other years. The first month of the 
year may be any one of the thirteen columns, thus: 8 Cauac, 8 Kan, 8 
Muluc, and 8 Ix have the second column, which has 8 for its upper figure, 
as their first month; then the one commencing with 2 will be the second 
month column, that with 9 the third, with 3 the fourth, with 10 the fifth, 
with 4 the sixth, with 11 the seventh, with 5 the eighth, with 12 the 
ninth, with 6 the tenth, with 13 the eleventh, the last or one commencing 
with 7 the twelfth. Now we go back to the first — commencing with 1 — 
which will be the thirteenth, with 8 the fourteenth, with 2 the fifteenth, 
with 9 the sixteenth, with 3 the seventeenth, with 10 the eighteenth. Thus 
we count through and go back to the left, and so continue until we reach 
the number of the month desired. We will now illustrate the use of this 
table by some examples, but first we must warn the reader not to confuse 
the day of the month with the day of the zveek; the numbers of the days of the 
month are given in the extreme right-hand column of the table, which is 
not counted as one of the thirteen; the days of the week, as heretofore 
stated, are always given thus: 3 Ymix, 12 Caban, 7 Oc, &c. 

Now, to illustrate the method of using the table, let us find in what 
months and on what days of the months in the years 11 Cauac, 11 Kan, 
11 Muluc, and 11 Ix, the day 8 Ahau will fall. For the year 11 Cauac 
we must look to the Cauac column. We find here that Ahau is the second 
day of the month; running our eyes along the second transverse line, 
we find the figure 8 in the thirteenth column, which has 7 as the top num- 
ber; going back to the column which has 11 as the upper or top number 
and counting the columns up to this (that has 7 as the top number), we find 
it to be the sixth month. We thus ascertain that 8 Ahau of the year 1 1 
Cauac is the second day of the sixth month. To find where it falls in 11 
Kan we must first find Ahau in the Kan column. By running our eyes 
down this column we see that it is the 17th day of the month; then, by 
looking along the 17th transverse line we find the figui-e 8 to be in the col- 
umn which has 5 at the top, which is the second or fifteenth from that with 



THOMAS.] EXPLANATION OP CONDENSED CALENDAR. 13 

11 at the top. Therefore 8 Ahau of the year 11 Kan is the 17th day of the 
second and also of fifteenth month. ^ 

In the same way we ascertain that 8 Ahau of the year 11 Muluc is the 
twelfth day of the twelfth month, but in this case we have to count the 
columns from the one commencing with 11 (always inclusive) to the right, 
through to the thirteenth (the one with 7 at the top), and go back to the 
first and count up to the one in which we find the figure 8 in the twelfth 
transverse line. We also find that 8 Ahau of the year 11 Ix is the seventh 
day of the ninth month. 

If I have succeeded in making this complicated system thus far intel- 
ligible to the reader, I may hope to succeed in conveying a correct idea of 
what is to follow. 

Now let us test our arrangement by a historical example. In the Perez 
manuscript translated by Stephens and published in his "Yucatan," Vol. II, 
it is stated that one Ajpula died in the year 4 Kan, the 18th day of the 
month Zip, on 9 Ymix. 

The year 4 Kan commences with the column of our table which has 

4 for the top figure. The third month (Zip) will then be the column with 

5 at the top; running down this to the eighteenth transverse line we find 
the figure 9; we also observe that the 18th day in the Kan column of the 
names of days is Ymix, agreeing exactly with the date given. 

In the manuscript Troano there is anotlier method of giving dates 

which is very common throughout the woi'k. Thus: 

• ' • • o o o 

which, according to my interpretation, the reasons for •, i Eed.'^ 

which will be hereafter given, signifies 13 Ahau of the ^ ^ ^ 

thirteenth month. 

As neither the year nor the day of the month is 




given, it is evident that we may find more than one day 

answering to this date, but let us hunt them out and see 

where thej^ fall. Referring to our table we will first take the Ahau 

of the Cauac column, which is in the second transverse line; the 13 in 

' The reader can readily see from the table why any day found in the /»•«*, second, third, fourth, or 
fifth month will be found iioice in the year. 

2 As colors cannot be introduced into these figures, the red numerals ^111 be represented in out- 
line. 



14 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

this line we observe is in the tenth cohimn (12 at top); counting back 
thirteen months (always including the one from which we start), we find 
that the first month of the year is the column having 6 at the top. The 
backward counting is exactly the reverse of the forward method heretofore 
explained; count to the left until the first column is reached, then go back 
to the thirteenth. 

We thus ascertain that 13 Ahau of the 13th month falls on the second 
day of the month in the year 6 Cauac. Proceeding in the same way with 
the Ahau in the Kan, Muluc, and Ix columns, we obtain the seventeenth day 
of the month in the year 4 Kan, twelfth in 9 Muluc, and seventh in 1 Ix. 
We thus ascertain that the years are 6 Cauac, 4 Kan, 9 Muluc, and 1 Ix. 

If we examine Table III, showing the years of the cycle, we shall find 
as a matter of course that these years occur but once in the entire period. 

In order apparently to further complicate this calendar, which was 
undoubtedly devised by the priests, as Landa says, "to deceive that simple 
people," another period called the Ahau or Katun was introduced. This 
period, according to most authorities, consisted of twenty years, but accord- 
ing to Perez of twenty -four. It is in reference to this period that we find 
the chief difference between authorities, because upon the proper determina- 
tion of its length, and the numbering, depends the possibility of identifying 
dates of the Maya calendar with corresponding ones of the Christian era. 
In order to settle these points it is necessary not only to determine the length 
of the Ahau or Katun, but also the number of Katunes contained in the great 
cycle, the method in which they were numbered, and the proper position of 
these numbers in this long period. Up to the present time these are the 
rocks on which all the calculations have been wrecked. My chief object, 
thei'efore, so far as the calendar is concerned, will be to settle if possible 
these disputed points; but will defer the discussion of these questions to a 
subsequent part of this paper, remarking only for the present that, accord- 
ing to all authorities, these Katunes were numbered as follows, and in the 
order here given: 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2; this number com- 
pleting the great cycle or Ahau-Katun,^ which consisted of 260 years if the 

'I use this compound term for tlie grand cycle only. Katun and Aliau are used separately as 
equivalents and as applying only to the period of 20 or 24 years; Cycle for tlie period of 52 years. 



THOMAS) USE OF DAY AND NUMERAL CHARACTERS. 15 

Katun included only 20 years, but of 312 if it contained 24 years, as main- 
tained by Perez. 

We are now prepared to discuss the question presented as to whether 
the numerals and day characters found so frequently in connection with 
each other are simply dates, somewhat as we find them in our ordinary 
calendars, or not. The first point to be determined is whether these day 
characters are used simply to denote days, or because of the signification 
of the words, as Brasseur supposed. This, as will be readily perceived, also 
involves the important question as to whether Landa was correct in his 
statement, that they were the symbols or characters used to denote days. 

The argument must therefore be somewhat in a circle; hence the evi- 
dence adduced must be strong to support the position assumed, and must 
agree in the essential points with the Maj^a calendar so far as positively 
determined. 

In order to decide this point we now turn to the manuscript itself. 

Referring to Plate X we find that the left-hand column of the middle 
division (always reading from the top downwards) is composed of the char- 
acters representing the following Maya days, in the order here given: Oc, 
Cib, Ik, Lamat, Ix. If we turn to Table V, containing the list of days, and 
count on either of the four columns of names, from one of these names to 
the next, we shall find in each case an interval of just six days; from Oc to 
Cib six days; from Cib to Ik six days, and so on. The other column, same 
plate and division, is composed of the characters for Ahau, Cimi, Eb, Eza- 
nab, and Kan, with an interval of six days between each two. Turning 
now to Plate VI, middle division, we find the days in the left-hand column 
to be Caban, Ik, Manik, Eb, and Caban, with an interval of just five days 
between each two. In the upper division of Plate XVII the interval is 
twelve days; and the same is true in reference to the other columns on this 
plate. In the left-hand column of the third division of Plate XXXI the 
interval is sixteen days. 

Although the interval is generally the same throughout a column, yet 
there are occasional departures from this rule; for example, on Plate XIII, 
the left-hand column of the upper division is composed of the characters for 



1(3 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 

the following days: Kan, Oc, Cib, Ahau, and Ik. From Kan to Oc is an 
interval of six days; from Oc to Cib six; from Cib to Ahau four; from 
Ahau to Ik two. 

Here we may be allowed to digress for a moment from the direct line 
of our argument in order to show how the discovery of this fact may enable 
us to determine an uncertain or obliterated character.^ The right-hand 
column of the middle division of this plate (XIII) contains an unusual 
character bearing little if any resemblance to any of Landa's dnj characters. 
The days of this column, in the order they stand, are as follows: Oc, Ik, 

Ix, |^\?|, and Ezanab. From Oc to Ik is an interval of twelve days; from 

Ik to Ix twelve days; from Ix to ^(Cimi) twelve days, and from Cimi to 
Ezanab twelve days. We may therefore feel pretty well assured that this 
unusual character is a variant of Cirai^ and not of Ahau, as Brasseur 
supposed.^ 

The right-hand column of the lower division of the same plate contains 
the same unusual character which, if counted as Cimi, gives an interval of 
six days between each two. 

This regularity in the order of the days is sufficient to prove, be3^ond 
any reasonable doubt, that they were not used on account of the significa- 
tion of the words. In some cases the combination, if interpreted according 
to the usual meaning of the words, may, by a somewhat strained interpre- 
tation, be formed into a sentence, but such cases are exceedingly rare, only 
one having, so far, been observed, and here it is purely accidental. 

The agreement between the characters found in the Manuscript and 
the order of the days as found in the Maya calendar is also a strong proof 
that Landa was correct in the characters assigned and in the oi'der of the 
days as he has given them. It would be impossible to find such a large 
number of agreements — more than 200 columns and over 1,000 days — if 
Landa were wrong in either respect, or if we were wrong in our interpre- 

1 This was -written before I had seen Charency's papers on this subject. 

2 In a plate of the "Book of Chilan Balam of Kiiua," copied by Dr. Brinton in his article on the 
Books of Chilan Balam, presented to the Num's. and Antiq. Soc. of Phila., Jan., 1882, p. 16, one character 
for Lamat differs from this only in the middle stroke sloping to the left instead of to the right as this 
does. Leon de Eosny (Essay Dcchiff. Ecrit. Hierat., 1st Livr., 17) interprets it asl do. 

3 Nor of Caban as interpreted by Charency (Dechif. des Ecrit. Calcnl, Mayas, &o., 1879, p. 20). 



TiioMAB.) NUMERAL CHARACTERS. 17 

tation. 1 sliall therefore consider the following points settled, and shall 
henceforth proceed upon that basis: 

1st. That the Manuscript is a Maya document. 

2d. That Landa has given the order of the days and their symbols 
correctly. 

3d. That the day characters in these colunms are used simply to indi- 
cate the days they represent, and not the signification of the words. 

It is now generally conceded by all who have studied these hiero- 
glyphics that the Maya method of designating numbers was by the use of 
lines and dots, thus: one dot signifying 1, two dots 2, and so on up to 4; 
that five was represented by a single short straight line; ten by two lines, 
and so on. According to this system, a straight line and a dot, thus ' ° 
would signify 6; two straight lines and two dots, thus .*■■*■■ , would stand 
for 12. 

As heretofore remarked, these numeral characters are found on every 
page of the manuscript, and if we judge by the color, some being red and 
others black, they belong to two different classes, or at least are used for 
two different purposes. As they are genei-ally associated with the day 
characters, the latter in fact never being without them, the natural inference 
is that they are used to denote dates. 

As there are two classes, it is not probable that more than one of these 
is used to number the days. 

If we examine the red numerals on all the plates of the manuscript, 
we shall find that — except on the title-page, which is evidently peculiar — 
they never indicate a greater number than 13 ("there is one apparent ex- 
ception where the number appears to be fourteen, but the additional dot is 
imperfect, and is either a blotch or evident mistake). In some places we 

O O O 
find such red numerals as this f ■ ^ , apparently denoting 14, but a more 

o 

careful study of the plates on which these are found satisfies me that there 

are two numbers here, 13 and 1. From this fact I infer that the red 

numerals are used here to designate the days or years of the Maya week, 

which, as I have shown, consisted of thirteen days or years, especially in 

the computation of time in reference to religious feasts and ceremonies. 

2 M T 



18 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 



But there is still stronger evidence on this point, which I will now 
introduce. 

For this purpose I will have to ask the reader to observe carefully 



Table VI. 



Table VII. 



our colored Plates I, II, III, and 
IV, which are exact copies of XX- 
XXIII of the Manuscript. He will 
notice that the extreme left-hand 
column of Plate IV (Man. XXIII) 
contains only the character for 
Cauac, which is repeated thirteen 
times, and that over each is a red 
numeral. Near the top are certain 
other characters with which we 
have nothing to do at present. 

Commencing with the upper 
Cauac and moving down the col- 
umn we find the numbers over 
them, so far as they can be made 
out, as follows: 10, 1, 5, 9, 13, 4, 8, 
12, (I), 7, (?), 2, 6. If these num- 
bers relate here to the days of 
the week, why this peculiar order? 
If we refer to Table II of the days 
of the months and year, and run 
our eyes along the transverse line 
opposite Cauac, we shall find the 
order to be as follows: 1, 8, 2, 9, 
3, 10, 4, 11, 5, 12, G, 13, 7, wholly 
different from what we see here. If 
we construct a table of years simi- 
lar to those already given (III and 
IV), but extended over two com- 
plete cj'cles of 52 j^ears each, we 
shnll be able to explain this mystery. We give here, for the reasons here- 



o 

i 

o 
1 


n 


a 
1 




2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


^ 


7 


8 


9 


1 10 


11 


12 


13 '\ 


CI 

1 


2 


3 


4 i 


; 5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 1 


\ 13 


1 


2 


3 < 


\ ' 


5 


6 


7 S 


I 8 


9 


10 


11 


\ ^^ 


13 


1 


2 < 


\ ' 


4 


5 


6 : 


s 
7 


8 


9 


10 1 


11 


12 


13 


1/ 

1 i 


^ 


3 


4 


^ Is 


10 


7 


^ 


_9j^ 


bi" 


12 


13 



i 


i-H 




o 
3 
O 

4 


1 


2 


3 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


■ ^r 


10 j 
1 

( 


hi 


12 


13 


\ ^ 


3 


4 


5S 


6 


7 


8 


9^ 


10 


11 


12 


13 


I 1 


2 


3 


4^ 


< ^ 


6 


7 


8< 


9 


10 


11 


12) 


<13 


1 


2 


3< 


) * 


« 5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


J 12 


13 


1 


2 S 


7 


4 


5 


■^ 


J 


"lO 
1 


^12 


13 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 



TI.OMAS.J EXPLANATION OF THE KED NUMERALS. 19 

tofore stated, tAvo tables, one with Cauac as the initial day (VI) and the 
other with Kan (VII). Running our eyes down the Cauac column of either 
table to IC, we find thirteen numbers from this downwards, as follows, and 
in the order here given: 10, !, 5, 9, 13, 4, 8, 12, 3, 7, 11, 2, 6, precisely as 
they are on the plate of the manuscript. 

On Plate XXII (our Plate III) the repeated character of the left-hand 
column is Kan, the numerals over which (reading from the top downwards) 
are as follows : 11, '2, 6, 10, 1, 5, 9, (?), 4, 8, 12, 3, 7, 11, precisely the same 
and in the same order as we find them in the Kan column of our tables ; 
the obliterated one being, as we see from this, 13. On Plate XX (our 
Plate I) the repeated character of the left-hand column is Ix. The num- 
bers here, so far as they can be made out, are 13, (f), 8, 12, 3, 7, 11, 2, 6, 
10, 1, 5, 9, precisely the same and in the same order as in the Ix column 
of our tables. 

The repeated character on Plate XXI (our Plate II) is Muluc; the 
numbers are 12, 3, 6, 10, 1, 5, 9, 13, '1, 8, 2, 7, 3. If we compare these with 
the Muluc column of our tables, we find that after the first two numbers 
there is a skip of three numbers before we reach the 6 which should follow 
according to the plate. But what appears here as a contradiction of my 
supposition is, as I believe, the strongest evidence of its correctness. If we 
examine the tables carefully we will observe that after reaching the second 
figure, — 3, — in the Muluc column, the next figure in the adjoining column 
is 6, and from thence to 8 the same as on the plate. From this I am led to 
believe the writer had before him a table similar to those I have given, except 
that it was written in their numeral characters, and that, by mistake in 
copjnng, his eye fell on the wrong column. That such tables were used 
by them is rendered probable by the following quotation which Perez makes 
from an ancient manuscript in his possession: "They had another number 
which they called Ua Katun, which served them as a key to find the Katunes 
and according to the order of their march, it falls on the two days of the 
Uayebhaah and revolves to the end of certain years: Katunes 13, 9, f^, 1, 
10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4." By commencing at the bottom of the right- 
hand column of either table of years and running up we find precisely these 
numbers and in the order given. It is scarcely possible these could have 
been obtained except by a table similar to those I have given. 



20 A STUDY OF THE MANUSGRIPT TROANO. 

We know that tables of days of this form are to be found in some two 
or three of the Mexican Codices; something simihxr is also to be found in 
the Dresden Codex, and by placing the columns of these four plates of the 
Manuscript side by side we will have just such a table.^ 

But be this as it may, the exact agreement in the other three columns, 
and the fact that the years named and numbered appear to belong to one 
continuous period of time — an all-important point in this connection — show, 
as we think, conclusively that our explanation of these numerals and the 
day characters, and of the use here made of them, is correct. If so, then 
the red numerals are used to number the days and years of the week, or, 
in other words, to number the days and years exactly as the various writers 
have stated was the usual custom. We have marked this period on the 
tables of years with waved lines so as to be seen at a glance, as we shall 
have occasion hereafter to refer to it. 

As further proof that these red numerals are limited to the thirteen 
series, I now call attention to certain short columns found in the middle 
division of Plates VIP-X*. These consist of three days each — Cib, Caban, 
and Ezanab — and each day has a numeral over it, as follows (I give here 
the exact order in which they stand on the plates, although I have doubts 
as to the correctness of Brasseur's paging) : 



6. 
Gib. 


13. 

Gib. 


4. 

Gib. 


11. 
Gib. 


5. 

Gib. 


12. 

Gib. 


2. 
Gib. 


7. 

Gaban. 


1. 
Oabaii. 


.5. 

Gaban. 


12. 
Gaban. 


6. 

Caban. 


13. 

Gabau. 


3. 
Caban. 


8. 
Ezanab. 


2. 

Ezanab. 


G. 

Ezanab. 


13. 
Ezanab. 


7. 
Ezanab. 


1. 
Ezanab. 


4. 

Ezanab. 



' Since tlie above was writteu, I have lieen so fortunate as to procure a copy of Leon De Eosny's 
Essai SUV le Dechiffrement de L'EcriUire Hieratique de UAmeriqne Centrale, in which I hnil a copy of a 
plate of the Codex Coetesiaxus, and also of one i>Iate of the Codex Peresiaxus. In the former is 
part of a table of days arranged precisely as in my table, except that they are placed horizontally, as 
here shown, instead of in columns: 



Muluc. 


t c. 


Chuen. 


Eb. 


Been. 


Ix. 


Men. 


Cib. 


Caban. 


Ix. 


Men. 


■ Cib. 


Caban. 


Ezanab. ' 


Cauac. 


Ahau. 


Imix, 


Ik. 


Cauac. 


Ahau. 


Ymix. 


Ik. 


Akbal. 


Kan. 


Chicchan. 


Cimi. 


Manili 


Kan. 


Chicchau. 


Cimi. 


Manik. 


Lamat. 


Muluc. 


Oc. 


Chuen. 


Eb. 



Whether or not this fragment contains the commencement, I am unable to say; that it does i.oc 
contain the conclusion, I am satisfied. We have here proof that the order when in lines is from the 
left to the right. The other plate (from the Codex Peresiauus) contains a column similar to those in 
the four plates of the Manuscript Troano, but here the repeated day (Beeii) is the last of one of the years 
as in the Dresden Codex. 



TiioMAsi EXPLANATION OF THE BLACK NUMERALS. 21 



9. 
Cib. 


3. 
Cib. 


10. 

Cib. 


7. 

Cib. 


1. 
Cib. 


8. 
Cib. 


10. 
Caban. 


4. 

Caban. 


11. 
Caban. 


8. 

Caban. 


•2. 

Caban. 


9. 
Caban. 


11. 
Ezanab. 


5. 
Ezanab. 


12. 

Ezanab. 


9. 
Ezanab. 


3. 
Ezanab. 


10. 

Ezanab. 



If we turn to our condensed calendar, Table V, we see that these three 
days follow each other as shown here, and by examining the different 
columns we can find all the numbers here given. This fact, together with 
the method of numbering, is sufficient of itself to establish the correctness 
of the opinion I have advanced in reference to these red numerals. 

That they are here used to number the days is evident from the fact 
that they are applied to those days which ai'e never used to name the years. 
From what has been shown in reference to Plates XX-XXIII (our Plates 
I, II, III, and IV) we see that they are also used to denote the years of the 
week or "Indication." 

The next point to be determined is the use of the black numerals. Here 
we shall find the task more difficult, but it is necessary to determine this 
before we can proceed in our eftbrt to fix the dates, which are given in great 
numbers in the Manuscript, and by means of which we hope to settle the 
disputed points in regard to the calendar. 

I shall at present omit any reference to the "title-page," which, as 
I have said, is peculiar, and cannot therefore be used in the present inves- 
tigation. As we find repeatedly throughout the work blacli numeral char- 
acters denoting 14, 15, 16, 17, and 18, it is evident they do not refer to the 
days or years of the week. They must therefore be used to denote the 
numbers of the months, or of the days of the months. That they are not 
used to number the Ahaues or the years of these periods is evident from the 
fact that these are always numbered by the thirteen series, or, in other 
words, never have applied to them any number exceeding 13; the years 
are also designated by the four days Cauac, Kan, Muluc, and Ix. 

But in order that the reader may see clearly the difficulty of deciding 
this point satisfactorily it will be necessary for me to illustrate it by exam- 
ples from the Manuscript. 

As before mentioned, the day characters are nearly always in columns — 




22 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TKOANO. 

usuall}' of jfive characters each — at the left of the compartments or spaces, 
o o oo each column usually with a red numeral over it. For exam- 

pie, in the lowest division of V* the column consists of five 
characters, as shown here (Fig. 5), which denote the days 
(reading from the top downward) Oc, Ik, Ix, Cimi, and 
Ezanab. The red numeral at the top is 9. The black nu- 
meral at the side in the space is tln-ee lines or 1.5. (In this 
case there is but one of these black numerals in the space 
or compartment, but usually there are several, and also 
several red ones.) Now, I take for granted that placing the 
red numeral at the top of the column is equivalent to apply- 
ing it to each day in the column, thus: 9 Oc, 9 Ik, 9 Ix, 
9 Cimi, and 9 Ezanab. There is also one red numeral — 
Fig. 5. 13 — in the space, as showm in the annexed cut. 

Leaving this last out of consideration for the present, let us proceed 
upon the supposition that the black numeral signifies the day of the month. 
Examining our condensed calendar (Table V), we see that of the five days 
Ezanab is the only one that ever falls on the 1.5th of the month. As this 
will be found true of at least tw^o columns out of every three throughout 
the Manuscript it is apparent that these numerals are not used here for this 
purpose; but even could all be found on the proper day of the month we 
would still be without any fixed date. Take, for instance, Ezanab in this 
case, which does fall on the 16th day of the month in the years, commenc- 
ing with Kan; the figure 9 in the fifteenth transverse line is found in the 
second column. What month"? In the year I Kan it is in the second 
month, in the year 8 Kan it is in the first month, in the year 2 Kan it is in 
the thirteenth month, and so on throughout the thirteen Kan years. Some 
may contend that it was not the intention to fix the years, as this is possi- 
bly the date of some feast or religious ceremony to be observed each year. 
I answer that, laying aside the insuperable objection already given, even 
this supposition would be erroneous — first, because in the case before us 
Ezanab falls on the 15th day of the month only once every four years, and 
with each year the month is changed. But it is unnecessary to discuss this 



THOMAS] EXPLANATION OF THE BLACK NUMERALS. 23 

supposition further, as not one day out of three ever falls on the day given 
if these black numerals denote the days of the month. 

We will next proceed on the supposition that these indicate the months. 
In that case the dates given in the present example will be 9 Oc, 9 Ik, 9 Ix, 
9 Cimi, and 9 Ezanab of the 15th month (Mnan). In this the feast, relig- 
ious ceremon}^, or whatever the date refers to, occurs always in the same 
month, and so far agrees with what is left on record in reference to religious 
ceremonies and observances. As only the day and month are given, it is 
possible, as heretofore stated, to find four dates to each day. Now, let us 
hunt out, by the use of our condensed calendar, the years on which these 
several dates fall. Commencing with 9 Oc, we look first for this day in the 
Cauac column; having found it to be the twelfth day of the month, we run 
our eyes along the twelfth transverse line of figures until we reach the 
figure 9, which we find to be in the eighth column (the one with 11 at the 
top); counting back fifteen months (including the one 9 is in) we reach the 
column with 4 at the top The year is therefore 4 Cauac. We next find 
Oc in the Kan column ; it is here the seventh day of the month, and 9 is in 
the fifth column (the one with 3 at the top) ; counting back fifteen months 
(going towards the left until we reach the first column, and then to the thir- 
teenth, and moving back toward the left), we reach the fourth column (with 
9 at the top). The year is therefore 9 Kan. We next find Oc in the Muluc 
column, and by the same process obtain the year 1 Muluc. Next we find 
Oc in the Ix column, and by the same process ascertain the year to be 12 Ix. 

Pursuing the same method with the other days, we obtain the following 



result: 




V 










9 0v. 


9 Ik. 


!3/x. 


9 Cimi. 


9 Ezanab. 


Years . . 


. . 4 Canac. 


12 Cauac. 


13 Cauac. 


8 Cauac. 


Cauac. 


Years . . 


. . 9 Kan. 


10 Kan. 


5 Kan. 


i;? Kau. 


1 Kau. 


Years . . 


. . 1 Muluc. 


2 Muluc. 


10 Mnluc. 


11 Muluc. 


6 Muluc. 


Years . . 


. . 12 Ix. 


7Ix. 


2 Ix. 


3Ix. 


11 Ix. 



Now, let us construct a table (No. VIII) of years for one cycle, as this 
includes all possible variations in the numbers and names of the years, and 
see where those obtained will fall. Marking each of the years witli a star, 
we find that they belong to one continuous period. So far the result is 
favorable, and what will probably attract the attention of those who have 



24 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 



devoted some time to the study of this subject is the fact that the period 
embraced is precisely that whicli is supposed by most authorities to con- 
stitute one Ahau. But let me here warn such reader against a too hasty 
conclusion. 

Supposing we are so far correct, what use are we to make of the red 
numeral — 13 — in the space? Let us suppose that it is also to be applied to 
the days as the other red numei'al, using the same month. This gives us 
the following years: 



1:3 Oc. 

Years 8 Cauac. 

Years .... 13 Kan. 

Years 5 Muluc. 

Years 3 Ix. 



13 Ik. 
3 Cauac. 
1 Kan. 
C Muluc. 
11 Ix. 



13 Ix. 

4 Cauac. 
9 Kan. 
1 Muluc. 
6 Ix. 



13 Civii. 

13 Cauac. 
4 Kan. 
2 Muluc. 
7 Ix. 



13 Ezanah. 
13 Cauac. 

5 Kan. 
10 Muluc. 

2 Ix. 



If we attempt to locate these in the same cycle as the preceding period, 

Table VIII. "^^® shall find that the two clash with each other-^that 

is, that some of the years of the first are the same as 

some of the second; btit it is evident they may be located 

in another cycle. 

Before proceeding further with the discussion of 
this difiicult question, we must remind the reader of 
what possibly he has already inferred — that in our 
allusion to the "intervals'' between the days of the col- 
umns, our object then was simply to show a regularity 
not consistent with the idea that they were used on 
account of the signification of the words, and not to 
lead him to suppose that the real interval intended was 
only the number of days mentioned. We also wish to 
call his attention to another fact which is becoming more 
and more apparent as we proceed — that the regularity 
of the intervals which seems apparent, whatever may 
be our final conclusion as to what the black numerals 
refer to, and the great number of dates as compared with 
the text, preclude the supposition that the work is historical. I shall there- 
fore proceed upon the theory that it is, to a large extent at least, a kind of 
I'eligious calendar — not with any particular desire to maintain this opinion, 



6 











• 


s 












c3 


c3 


"3 


. 





M 


S 


l-H 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


\ 9* 


10* 


11* 


12*\ 


13* 


1* 


2* 


3* 


\ 4* 


5* 


6* 


7* 


\ 8* 


9* 


10* 


11* 


j 12* 


13* 


1* 


2*^ 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 



^ 



Table IX. 



iHOMAB] METHOD OF FINDING DATES INDICATED BY NUMERALS. 25 

but simply because I find the evidence pointing in this direction, and also 
that it is next to impossible to advance farther without having some theory. 

From what has been shown it is apparent that the 
interpretation I have given is a possible one, the chief 
objections to which are, first, the large number of dates 
in the Manuscript that this plan would give us, which, 
according to a rough calculation I have made, would 
amount to something like ten thousand; second, the ex- 
tent of time these dates must necessarily cover, which 
cannot be less than one great cycle of 312 years. 

The Dresden Codex, which is evidently similar in 
character to the Manuscript Troano, presents, if possi- 
ble, still greater difficulties to the settlement of this ques- 
tion, as here we find the black numeral for 19 frequently 
connected dii'ectly with the red ones. But so far as I 
have examined dates of this kind they do not appear to 
be necessarily associated with the day charactei's on the 
same page. In this codex the dates are also much more 
numerous than in the Tro. Ms., a number of pages Ijeing 
filled almost exclusively with numerals and day charac- 
ters. Month characters are also introduced ; hence it is 
probable the day of the month is often given. 

On page II (Tro. Ms.), in the left column, middle 
division (see fig. 99), the days (counting from the top 
downwards) are Manik, Cauac,^ Chuen, Akbal, Men, 
the red numeral over the column 1. In the space are three black nume- 
rals 6, 11, and 9, also two red ones 10 and 3. Using the red 1 and the 
black 6, as heretofore, we find the years to be as follows: 

1 Chuen. 
6 Cauac. 
11 Kan. 
3 Muluc. 
1 Ix. 

The period is found to be continuous, and is surrounded on the annexed 
table (No. IX) by a continuous dark line. In this case it commences with 

' Cauac is represented here by an unusual character. 



O 


1 




(<5 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 
13 


10 


11 


12 


! 1* 

5* 


2* 
6* 


3*: 

7*i 


j 4» 


1 8* 


9* 


10* 


11*; 


12* 


13* 


1* 


2*; 


3* 
7* 


4* 


5* 


6*; 


I 8 


9 


10 


11 


12* 


13* 

4* 


1* 

5* 


2* 


3* 


6* 


7* 


8* 


9* 


10* 


11* 


12* 


13* 


1* 

5* 


o# 


3* 


4* 


6 
]0 


7 
11 


8 , 
12 


9 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 





1 Manik. 


1 Cauac. 


Tears . . 


. . 10 Cauac. 


5 Cauac. 


Years . . 


. . 2 Kan. 


3 Kan. 


Years . . 


..13 Muluc. 


8 Muluc. 


Years . . 


.. 5Ix. 


13 Ix. 



1 AJchal 


1 Men. 


1 Cauac. 


2 Cauac. 


L2 Kan. 


7 Kan. 


4 Muluc. 


12 Muluc. 


9Ix. 


4Ix. 



y 



26 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO. 

Kan. If we use the red 3 and the black 6 the result will be as sliown in 
the group surrounded on the table by the dotted line. As the reader is 
perhaps by this time aware, it might be located below the first by extending 
the table, but still would give us no clue to the proper position of the 
Ahaues. 

There are two other possible suppositions, to wit: that the red numeral 
over the column refers to the number of the Ahau, and that in the space to 
the number of the days; and, second, just the reverse of this, that the red 
number in the space refers to the Ahau and that over the column to the 
number of the days, the black one in each case denoting the nixmber of the 
month. 

As it will be impossible for us to decide in reference to these supposi- 
tions until we can locate the Ahaues and determine their numbers, I will 
postpone further discussion of the point for the present, proceeding for the 
time being upon the only plan so far found consistent with what is known 
of the Maya calendar. 

As hei-etofore stated, the greater number of the day columns contain 
just five characters. Why this number f If we use the numerals as shown 
by the above examples, this will give us for each red numeral twenty years, 
agreeing with the number counted to the Ahau, whether we follow^ most 
authorities or Perez; for, according to the latter, who holds that there are 
twenty-four years in this period, only twenty are usually "counted"; four 
being generally omitted as unlucky, or for some other reason. That some- 
thing of this kind, arising from the system itself, was the cause of placing 
five days in so many columns is more than probable. If I am correct in 
this supposition, it not only agrees wdth the method of using the numerals 
above suggested, but it will also determine the years that form the different 
Ahaues. 

Following up this suggestion, let us see if it is possible toxletermine 
from the Manuscript the length of the Ahau as understood by the author. 

As the most likel}^ method of deciding this question, I will select a 
number of the day columns, find from them the years indicated according to 
the plan heretofore given, and locate them in tables of years. We can then 
see what relation they bear to each other. 



TiioMAsi METHOD OF FINDING DATES INDICATED BY NUMERALS. 27 



o O O 




Table X. 







The first I select is found in the lower division of Plate XXVI. The 
column is as here shown — Fig. 6 — the days are Ahau, Eb, Kan, Gib, Lamat. 
In addition to these red numerals, we find in the space occu- 
pied by the figures five black and five red numer- 
rals, each thirteen. Why there should be five 
pairs of numerals, each denoting the same num 
ber, I confess myself unable to decide; I shall 
therefore leave this question to be discussed here- 
after, if I find any reasonable explanation.' Ac- 
cording to the interpretation already given, the 
red numerals indicate the days, the black the 
months. Hunting out the years as in the pre- 
ceding example we find them to be as follows: 

13 Allan. 13 El. 13 Kan. 13 CiT). 13 Lamat. 

Years-.GCauac. 7 Cauao. 2 Cauac. 3 Canac. 11 Cauac. 
Years . . 4 Kan. ] 2 Kan. 7 Kan. 8 Kau. 3 Kan. 
Years..9Mnlac. 4Muluc. 5 Mnluc. 13Mu1qc. 1 Muluc. 
Years., llx. 2Ix. 10 Ix. Six. 6 Ix. 

Fig. ci. These years are marked with a star and the 

group surrounded by a continuous dark line on the an- 
nexed table of years. No. X. For reasons hereafter given 
I adopt the system which commences the cycle with 1 
Cauac. ' 

As Plate XXVII relates obviously to the same gen- 
eral subject, I select the left-hand day column of its upper 
division as our next example. The days are Ahau, Eb, 
Kan, Gib, and Lamat, the same as in the preceding exam- 
ple, the red or day numeral 11, the black or month nu- 
meral 13. 

These give us the following years: 

Days 11 -Ikau. 

Years .... 4 Cauac. 
Years .... 2 Kau. 
Years .... 7 Muluc. 
Years. . . .12 Ix. 

These are also marked on the annexed table with a star, but the group 
is surrounded by a dotted line. In order to enable the reader to understand 



6 

i 

o 




1 




10 




11 \ 


12* 

3* 


13* i 

4*1 


; 1* 


2* 


i 5* 


6* 


7* 


8*; 


: 9* 


10* 


11* 


12* i 


il3* 
: 4* 


1*. 

5*; 


2* 


3*i 


6 
10 


7 ' 
11 


8 
12 


9 

13 


1* 

5* 


2*1 
6* 


3* 


4* 


7* 


8* 


9* 


10* 


11* 


12* 


13* 


1* 


2* 
6* 


3* 

7* 


4* 


5* 


|8 


9 


10 


11 


il2* 
3* 


13*1 

4*i 


i 1* 


2* 


i 5* 


6* 


7* 


8*1 


i 9* 


10* 


11* 


12*1 


113* 
; 4* 


1* 

5* 


2* 


3*1 


1 6 


7 
11 


8 


9 


10 



11 Jib. 


11 Kan. 


11 Cib. 


11 Lamat. 


5 Cauac. 


13 Cauac. 


1 Cauac. 


9 Cauac. 


10 Kau. 


5 Kan. 


6 Kan. 


1 Kau. 


2 Muluc. 


3 Muluc. 


11 Muluc. 


12 Muluc. 


13 Ix. 


8Ix. 


3Ix. 


4Ix. 



28 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROAISO. 

what I mean by "properly locating" these periods, I have extended the 
table so as to include one complete cycle, the close of another, and the com- 
mencement of another. I have also located this last period — as a matter of 
course according to the years obtained — in the only two possible positions 
in the table; surrounding each by a dotted line. If the table had been 
extended it could of course have been located in other cycles. I call atten- 
tion to the fact that both these periods commence with a Muluc year, which 
would render it impossible for the commencement or ending of an Ahau, if 
these are Ahaues, to coincide with the commencement or ending of a cycle 
or grand cycle. If we suppose the Ahau to contain twenty -four years, and 
the periods marked on Table X to omit two years at the commencement 
and two at the close ; in other words, extend the upper and lower lines 
bounding the groups, across the table, we will then have no difficulty in 
making all the periods agree with each other and with the cycles. After 
all, we are not yet authorized to say positively that these periods are Ahaues, 
or that they are even embraced in or coincide with them; still, the oft- 
repeated five-character day columns, and the resulting groups of years, 
justify us in assuming that they do at least coincide with them. 

Before proceeding further in our discussion of the Manuscript it will 
be necessary for us to decide in reference to the following points relating 
to the calendar upon which we have incidentally touched: 

First. The number of years contained in an Ahau. 

Second. The position of these periods in the grand cycle or Ahau- 
Katuu. 

Third. The respective numbers of these periods as thus fixed in the 
Ahau-Katun. 

Fourth. With whicli one of the four days (year bearers) the grand 
cycle begins. 

That the older authorities, so far as we are aware, without exception, 
give 20 years as the length of an Ahau, is admitted. Landa, for example, 
says (in § XLI), "The Indians had not only the computation of the year 
and the months, but they had also a certain manner of computing the times 
and events by ages. This they did by 20 and 20 years, computing 13 
twenties with one of the twenty letters of their month called Ahau, but 



iMOMAB 1 LENGTH OP THE AHAU OR KATUN. 29 

without order, and alternate only as on the boundary of the wheel afore- 
said." 

CogoUudo (Hist, de Yucathan, Lib. IV, Cap. 5) says: 

"They compute their eras and ages, which they write down in their 
books, by 20 and 20 years and by lustres of 4 and 4. They fix the first 
year at the east, to which thej^ give the name Cudi-haab. The second, at 
the west, is called Iliix; the third, at the south, is named Cauac, and the 
fourth, 3£uluc, at the north. Five of these lustres being completed, make 
twenty years; this is what they call a Katun. They place a sculptui'ed 
stone upon another stone, equally sculptured, fixed with lime and sand in 
the walls of the temples." 

The Perez manuscript, as is well known, counts twenty years to an 
Ahau. Most of the recent writers have also decided in favor of the same 
number. Two or three of the most recent authorities, as Dr. Brinton, 
Charency, and Rosny, are disposed to follow the opinion of Perez, that it 
contained twenty-four years. I am satisfied that the opinion which holds 
twenty-four years to be the number is the correct one, and will now pro- 
ceed to give the proof I have been able to obtain bearing upon this point. 

First. If I am correct in my interpretation of the numerals, then the 
groups of years obtained by using these, as heretofore shown, will necessa- 
ril}' I'equire twenty-four years to the Ahau, no matter with which of the 
four year-bearing days we begin the cycle; for, althougli these groups con- 
tain biit twenty years there is an interval of four years between each two 
that is not counted. 

Second. The method of numbering these periods cannot, as I believe, 
be accounted for on any other supposition. According to all authorities 
who have mentioned the subject they were numbered, as I have already 
stated, thus: 18, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, H, 6, 4, 2, the number 13 being 
the first, 1 1 the next, and so on. It is not reasonable to suppose that this 
singular series was wholly an arbitrary selection; on the contrary, it is 
more than probable that it was obtained in some way through the use of 
the "13 series." If we examine the table of years, No. XVII, we will see 
that, commence where we may, and divide it into periods of twenty-four 
years by transverse lines, the first years of these periods taken in the order 
they come will accord exactly with this series. Take for example the 



30 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 

Ahaues as there given: the first commences with the j-ear 1 Cauac, the 
second witli 12 Caiiac, the third with 10 Cauac, and so on. As the great 
cycle contains thirteen of these periods, it follows that we shall find all these 
numbers in it by thus dividing it. It is true this does not prove that the 
first period was numbered 13; moreover it is possible (though I do not 
think probable) that the number was not taken from that of the first day of 
the year, but from the second, as suggested b}^ Perez. According to the 
theory advanced by this author these periods were numbered from the sec- 
ond day of the Canac years, which would necessarily be Ahau, because, 
as he supposes, some notable event in their history occurred on that day. 
Even on this supposition the series could not commence with the first period 
of the grand cycle, as this would be Ahau No. 2, but would begin with the 
second, which would be Ahau No. 13. 

It may not be improper to call attention at this point to a remark made 
by Dr. Valentini in his article on the Perez manuscript (Proc. Am. Ant. Soc. 
No. 74): "Nor do we understand the reason why, just here, the topic of 
the succession of the numbers 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 1-', 10, 8, 6, 4, 2, was 
introduced. Could it have been with the intention of showing that this 
singular enumeration of alternating Ahaues, which we shall hereafter speak 
of, occurred only in cycles of twenty-foiu* j^ears, and that therefrom a proof 
might be derived for establishing the pretended cycle of twenty-four and 
three hundred and twelve years? Evidence of this should have been g-iven 
by a table showing the series, and by still another table in which should 
be shown that such an alternating succession did not occur in cycles com- 
posed of twenty years. Not one single fact can be detected in Seiior Perez's 
text by which the long established assumption of a twenty years' cycle has 
been disproved." 

The object Senor Perez had in view in introducing this series at this 
point was for the very purpose of showing that this "singular enumeration" 
could be obtained only by dividing the series into periods of twenty-four 
years. As he was not fortunate enough to hit upon the plan of a table that 
would bring this clearly before the eye, I call attention to Table XVII, 
which meets precisely the requirements of Dr. Valentini. Dividing it into 
pei'iods of twenty-four years will give this singular enumeration, while 
dividing it into periods of twenty years will not. 



THOMAS) LENGTH OF THE AHUA OR KATUN. 31 

Third. Additional proof to the same effect I think is also to be derived 
from a symbolical figure in the Manuscript itself The most notable figure 
in the upper compartment of Plate XXIII (our Plate IV) is the blue one in 
the upper left-hand corner on a black background surrounded by a white 
border, the latter crossed by dotted raj's, each ray terminating with a little 
ring; a dagger is piercing the eye of the blue sitting figure. If we count 
these clubbed rays we shall find there are twenty-three of them, but exactly 
where the dagger crosses the border there is room for one more Accoi'ding 
to my interpretation the whole of this figure taken together is a symbol of 
the Katun or Ahau, the inner blue figure probably denoting the year.^ If 
I am correct in this interpretation, then we have here positive evidence that 
Perez was right in holding that the Ahau consisted of twenty-four j^ears. 
The whole figure is therefore intended to indicate the close of an Ahau; — 
when one more year has expired the light of another Ahau will be forever 
extinguished and the new one will begin its course. 

We find, as I think, something similar to this method of marking the 
missing year on Plates 75 and 76 of the Borgian Codex. These two plates, 
which are evidently parts of one picture, 76 being the upper and 75 the 
lower part, are symbolic representations of periods of time. The figures 
around the central circle of 76 are probably intended to represent the 
marching- years. There are only twelve of them, but in the pathway at the 
bottom we see the footsteps of one that has passed on. At the four corners 
outside the circle we see the four "year-bearers."^ 

On Plate 75 the chief figure is that of Kingsborough's supposed cruci- 
fied Quetzalcoatl; on the body is a large sun or circular disk with seven 
points, but in the lower margin, where there is the proper space for another, 
the circle is pierced by the obsidian knife of the priest who holds the with- 
drawn heart in his hand. Around the figure are similar but smaller disks; 
counting these we find there are eighty the exact number of points required 
to complete the central disk, and the number of periods (Indications) in an 
age. Possibly other periods are intended, as I have not studied the Mexican 
Calendar with sufficient care to express any decided opinion on this point; 

I Fortunately, the correctness of this supjjosition, which I mentioneil in au article iu the Ameri- 
can Naturali.st for August, 1881, has sincfe been verified by Dr. D. G. Briuton — "The Books of Chilan 
Balam," p. 1.5. 

^ Not those usually given, but those evidently used for this iiurpose iu this and other codices. 



32 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOAjSTO. , 

my only object in referring to these plates being to illustrate the idea ad- 
vanced in regard to the meaning of the dagger piercing the eye of the blue 
figure on Plate XXIII of the Manuscript Troano. 

The next point to be determined is the position of the several Ahaues 
in the grand cycle. This larger group, as admitted b}^ all authorities, con- 
sisted of thirteen Ahaues; as 2A'X li^z='dV2, it follows that, assuming the 
Ahau to be a period of 24 years, this longer period would consist of 312 
years. If the first year of the grand cycle coincided with the first year 
of an Ahau, the position of these latter groups would be determined by 
simply dividing the former into groups of 24 years, as shown in Table No. 
XVI, where .the dark transverse lines mark the divisions between the Ahaues 
as thus obtained. This conclusion is so natural that it would seem to follow 
as a matter of course from the numbers used, and from the fact that the 
number of years in a grand cycle is an exact multiple of the number of 
years in an Ahau. 

But as Senor Perez, who is our chief authority for what pertains to the 
Maya calendar, has advanced a different opinion, and as his suggestion 
affords a means of escape from a very serious difficulty, I will call attention 
to it before deciding as to which I believe to be the true method of locating 
these periods. But in order that his theory may be clearly understood it is 
necessary for us first to determine the dominical day with which the first 
years of the Ahaues commenced; for it is evident, whether we count twenty 
or twenty-four years to these periods — as each is a multiple of 4 — that if 
thej^ followed each other in regular order the first year of each would begin 
with the same dominical day though not the same number. In other words, 
if one of the series began with a Kan year all the rest would begin with a 
Kan year. If the first year of a cycle were also the first year of an Ahau, 
as we would naturally presume, then determining the first year of any one 
will determine all the others. 

In the manuscript discovered by Perez and translated into Eng-lish by ' 
Stephens (from the Spanish translation of the discoverer), we find the fol- 
lowing statement: "In the loth Ahau Chief Ajpula died. Six years were 
wanting to complete the \'6tli Alum. This year was counted toward the east 
of the wheel and began on the 4th Kan. Ajpula died on the 1 8th day of 
the month Zip on the 9th Ymix." Taking for granted that the day, the 



THOMAS. ] FIEST YE ATI OF THE AHAU. 33 

number of the clay, and the month as given here are correct, it is easy to 
determine from our condensed calendar that the year must necessarily have 
been 4 Kan. As there were twenty -four years in an Ahau., and six were 
yet wanting to complete that referred to in the quotation, it follows of neces- 
sity this 4 Kan was the 18th and that this Ahau must have commenced with 
the year 13 Cauac and ended with 10 Ix. This will be seen by making a 
list of the years in regular succession, so that 4 Kan shall be the 18th. We 
give such a list here (Table No. XI), marking in italics the 4 Kan. 

Table XL 

1 — 13 Cauac. • 

2— 1 Kan. 

3— 2 Muluc. 

4— 3 Ix. 

5 — 4 Cauac. 
C— 5 Kan. 

7 — 6 Muluc. 

8— 7 Ix. 

9 — 8 Cauac. 
10— 9 Kan. 
11—10 Muluc. 
12—11 Ix. 

13 — 12 Cauac. 
14^13 Kan. 

15— 1 Muluc. 

16— 2 Ix. 

17 — 3 Cauac. 

18— 4 Kan. 

19— 5 Muluc. 

20— 6 Ix. 

21— 7 Cauac. 

22— 8 Kan. . 

23— 9 Muluc. 
24—10 Ix. 

If we place these years in tabular form, as heretofore given, the Ahau 
will be in the form shown in the annexed table (XII). Here, then, we 

3 M T 



34 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 



o 




o 




CS 


• 


3 






'i 




1— 1 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4* 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 



have positive evidence, if to be relied on, that this Ahau at least commenced 
with a Cauac year (wliether the Ahan contained 24 or 20 years), and, if so, 
all the others of the series. 

A somewhat careful examination of Senor Perez's Cronologia Antigua 
Table XII satisfies me that his whole scheme was based upon what 
he believed to be two established facts: first, that the 
Ahaues commenced with a Cauac year; and, second, that 
they were numbered from the second day of these years. 
I am pretty well satisfied from some things observ- 
able in the Manuscript Troano that it recognizes Cauac 
as the dominical day of the first year of the Ahaues. 
First. The order of the four plates XX-XXIII, which 
refer exclusively to the four dominical days. That Bras- 
seur has paged these plates in exactly the reverse order 
to what they should be, I think is evident from the fol- 
lowing facts: As now paged they bring these days in the following order: 
Ix, Muluc, Kan, Cauac, exactly the reverse of that in which they come 
in the calendar. This alone is sufficient to cause us to suspect a reversal. 
But it is not the only reason for believing this. If we follow the order of 
the plates in marking the years, we obtain no continuous period, as is evi- 
dent from the annexed Table XIII. 

Second. The numeral (1), over the second Cauac character on Plate 
XXIII (our Plate IV) and also that over the fifth Muluc character on Plate 
XXI (our Plate II) is surrounded in each case with a circle of minute 
dots. Although there are other numeral characters on these four plates 
denoting one, none except these two are thus distinguished. What is this 
intended to signify? My answer is, it signifies that those two years are 
the first of important periods that are included in, or at least begin in, 
the time embraced by these four plates. Now let us test this by giving two 
tables embracing the period covered by them, marking the Ahaues on one 
according to the plan I have given, and on the other according to Seiior 
Perez's method. 

Table XIV commences with a Cauac year, and is of the usual form, 
as heretofore given. Table XV begins with a Kan year, and is made in 



THOMJia.] 



FIRST YEAR OF THE AH ATI. 



35 



accordance with the theory advanced by Perez, who holds that the cycle 
began with a Kan year, although contending that the Ahaues commenced 

Table XIII. Table XIV. Table XV. 



•A 

l-H 




i 




1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


TTI 


12 


i;3 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


1^ 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


To" 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


; 7 


8 


9 


10 


1 11 


12 


13 


1 


\ 2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 



o 




c5 




3S 


• 


S 




Q 




S 

g 


H- 1 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


C 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


1 5" 

9 


6'i 

10 ! 


\ 7 


8 


; 11 


12 


13 


1 ! 


; 2 


3 


4 


5 i 


1 6 


7 


8 


9 i 


> ; 10 1 11 


ri2 


"13"|^ 


> -^ 


>: < 


> ® 


2 


3 

7 


4 \\ 
8 \\ 


> ; 5 


6 


M 9 


10 


11 


12 ; 


>! 13 


1 


2 


3 i^ 




5 
9 


6 


7 i S 


; 10 


11 \ 


> 12 


13 


i'CT) 


2 I 


)| 3 


4 


5 


> ^ 7 


8 


9 


10 ! 


H" 


12 


13 


iH 


n 2 


3 

7 


4 


5 : j 


1 8 


9 1 


10 


^if 


12 


13 











c5 


1— 1 


o 

i 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 
12 


9 


10 


11 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 




13 


[loT^ 

" 1 ;J 


pfii" 


) i 2 


3 


4 


5 i< 


M 6 


7 


8 


9 < 


>| 10 


11 


12 


13 e 


> • 1 


:( 


): 


; l> 


; 2 


3 


4-^ 


> 5 


i 6 
10 


7 
11 


■ 8 ii 
12 \{ 


i \ ^ 


\\ 13 


1 


2 


3 1^ 


> i ^ 


5 


6 


7 !> 


M 8 
|i 12 


9 


10 


11 l| 


\ 13 


1 


2 ^ 

6 ; 


\ 3 


4 


5 


1 7 
( 11 


8 


9 


(lO 


\ 12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 
10 


7 
11 


8 
12 


9 


13 









36 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TROAKO. 

with a Cauac year. On each, the divisions between the Ahaues are marked 
by sohd, heavy, black lines; the usually counted twenty years of each are 
surrounded by a single dotted line, and the period covered by the four 
plates by a continuous waved line. The point at which the grand cycle 

begins is marked thus: :o: . If we examine Table XIV we see that 

1 Cauac is the first year of a cycle, and 1 Muluc the first of the usually 
"counted years" of an Ahau, and that both are within the period covered 
by the four plates; each is surrounded by a ring in order to designate it. 
As a matter of course, each is the first year of an "Indication'' or week of 
years; so are 1 Kan and 1 Ix in the same period, yet neither of these is 
thus distinguished. 

If we turn now to Table XV, in which the cycle begins with a Kan 
year, we can see no reason why either the 1 Cauac or the 1 Muluc in the 
period embraced by the waved line should have any special mark of dis- 
tinction. 

It is proper to state here that unit numerals surrounded in a similar 
manner by a circle of dots, are to be found on other plates where it is diffi- 
cult to apply the theory here advanced. 

Another difficulty ^vhich arises, if we adopt Perez's theory, is that the 
last Ahau of a grand cycle does not close with the end of that period, but 
includes one or more years of the following, according to the place the 
division begins. 

Taking all these facts into consideration, it appears that the calendar 
system followed by the author of the Troano Manuscript commenced the 
cycles and the Ahaues with a Cauac year. I think, therefore, the evidence 
that the Ahaues at least began with a Cauac year is too strong to leave any 
doubt on this point. 

As bearing upon, and, as I believe, tending strongly to confirm this 
conclusion, I will introduce here some examples from the Manuscript. 

In the second division of Plates XXX and XXXI, commencing on the 
left half of the former and continuing through the latter, we observe a series 
of figures all similar to each other, except the one to the right on Plate 
XXX, which is the long-nosed god. 

Over each figure, except one, there is a red numeral, but these differ 



THOMAS.] 



FIKST YEAR OF THE AUAU. 



37 



fi-om each other in the numbers indicated. In front of each face is the 
black numeral character for 11. The red numerals are (?), 9, 7, 5, 3. The 
first is obliterated, but if we judge by the space it would be 1, if by the 
order, 1 1 ; but since the result will be the same, except as to the position 
of the period obtained by this one in the table of years, it makes no par- 
ticular difference for the present purpose which we assume is correct. 
Assuming 11 to be the missing one, the numbers of the days will then be 
11, 9, 7, 5,3. 

The days in the column at the left of the compartment on Plate XXXI 
are Kan, Cib, Lamat, Ahau, and Eb. Hunting out the years in the manner 
heretofore described, we find them to be as follows: 





11 Kan. 


11 Cib. 


11 Lamat. 


11 Ahau. 


11 Eb. 


f Years - 


... 1 Canac. 


2 Cauac. 


10 Cauac. 


5 Cauac. 


6 Cauac. 


i Years. 

'-^' Wears. 

[ Years . 


.... GKan. 


7 Kan. 


2 Kan. 


3 Kan. 


11 Kan. 


4 Mviluc. 


12 Muluc. 


13 Muluc. 


8 Muluc. 


3 Muluc. 


... 9Ix. 


4Ix. 


5 Ix. 


13 Ix. ^ 


llx. 




9 Kan. 


9 Cib. 


9 Lamat. 


9 Ahau. 


Eb. 


r Years . 

i Years . 

^''' ^ Years . 

Years . 


... 12 Oauac. 


13 Cauac. 


8 Cauac. 


3 Cauac. 


4 Cauac. 


... 4 Kan. 


5 Kan. 


13 Kan. 


1 Kan. 


9 Kan. 


... 2 Muluc. 


10 Muluc. 


11 Muluc. 


6 Muluc. 


1 Muluc. 


... 7Ix. 


2Ix. 


3Ix. 


11 Ix. 


12 Ix. 




7 Ean. 


7 Gib. 


7 Lamat. 


7 Ahau. 


7 Eb. 


C Years . 

j Years . 

^^' 1 Years . 

[ Years . 


... 10 Cauac. 


11 Cauac. 


C> Cauac. 


1 Cauac. 


2 Cauac. 


... 2 Kan. 


3 Kan. 


11 Kan. 


12 Kan. 


7 Kan. 


... 13 Muluc. 


8 Muluc. 


9 Muluc. 


4 Muluc. 


12 Muluc. 


... Six. 


13 Ix. 


llx. 


9Ix. 


10 Ix. 




5 Kan. 


5 Cib. 


5 Lamat. 


5 Ahau. 


5Eb. 


[ Years . 


... 8 Cauac. 


9 Cauac. 


4 Cauac. 


12 Cauac. 


13 Cauac. 


J Years . 
^-"^ 1 Years . 


... 13 Kan. 


IKan. 


9 Kan. 


10 Kan. 


5 Kau. 


... 11 Muluc. 


6 Muluc. 


7 Muluc. 


2 Muluc. 


10 Muluc. 


I Years . 


... 3Ix. 


11 Ix. 


12 Ix. 


7Ix. 


Six. 




3 Kan. 


3Ci6. 


3 Lamat. 


3 Ahau. 


3 Eb. 


^ Years . 


... G Cauac. 


7 Cauac. 


2 Cauac. 


10 Cauac. 


11 Cauac. 


i Years 
^-^> ^ Years , 


...11 Kan. 


12 Kan. 


7 Kan. 


■ 8 Kan. 


3 Kan. 


... 9 Muluc. 


4 Muluc. 


5 Muluc. 


13 Muluc. 


8 Muluc. 


Years 


... 1 Ix. 


9Ix. 


10 Ix. 


Six. 


OIx. 



In order to show the position of these groups in the series of years, 
and how they stand in reference to each other, I give here a table (XVI) 
covering one entire grand cycle, and including the last cycle of the pre- 



38 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 



Table XVI. 



3 
OS 
O 




6 
1 


1— ( 

4 


1 


2 


3 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 



-:o:- 



1 


2 


3 


5 


6 


7 


9 


10 


11 


13 


1 


2 


4 


5 


6 


8 


9 


10 



12 


13 


1 


3 


4 


5 


7 


8 


9 


11 


12 


13 


2 


3 


4 


6 


7 


8 



12 
3 

7 

2 

6 

10 

1 

5 
9 



10 11 12 13 







3 


d 
.—1 






1 


2 


3 


4 






5 


6 


7 


8 






9 


10 


11 


12 






13 


1 


o 


3 






4 


5 


6 


7 


er. 


8 


9 


JlO 


"lii 

2i 




:il2 


13 


1 




^ 


1 3 

I 7 


4 

8 


5 
9 


6; 
10 L 






In 

2 


12 
3 


13 


lii 




1 * 


5 


T-l 




6 


7 


fT 


---| 






i;io 


11 


12 


13 1 




o^ 


1 1 


2 


3 


4' 






il 5 


6 


7 


8ii 






:i3 


10 
1 


11 


12 |i 






1 2 


3 






4 


5 


i 6" 


71! 


o 




i 8 


9 


10 


nil 




s 


112 

1 3 


13 
4 


1 
5 


2 II 

ell 






i 7 
11 


8 
12 


9 


10 II 






|13 1 


i 






2 


3 


rr 


■"■"5|| 
9li 


t- 




i 6 


7 


8 




■M 


|10 


11 


12 


13 i| 







M 


d 
1 


^ 


i 1 


2 


3 


4=1: 


1 S 
1 9 


6 
10 


7 


Si' 


ijll 1 12 


13 1 


\""2 


3i| 

7^' 


i| 4: 


5 


G 


1 8 


9 


10 


Hi 


i|l2 


13 


1 


2r 


II 3 


4 


5 


6l 


11 7 


8 


ii 9 1 10 


11 


12 


jH" 


5 


2 


3 


4 


G 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 
5 


2 
G 


3 


4 


7 1 8 


9 


10 iirr 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


C 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 
3 


13 

4 


1 


2 


J 5 j G 






7 


8 


13 


10 

1 


11 


12 


2 


3 


4 


5 


G 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 




1 


2 


3 


5 


G 


7 


9 


10 


11 


13 


1 


2 


4 


5 


G 


8 


9 


10 


12 


13 


1 


3 


4 


5 


7 


8 


9 


11 


12 


13 


2 


3 


4 


6 


7 


8 


10 


11 


12 



4 

8 

12 

3 



THOMAS] FIRST YEAR OF THE AUAU. 39 

ceding and the first cycle of the following grand cycles. As I have as- 
sumed that the cycle (and hence the great cycle) commenced with the 
year 1 Cauac, it follows that, in carrying out the above supposition, the 
first Ahau of the series must also begin Avith this year. The divisions be- 
tween the Ahaues are marked on the table by transverse solid black lines. 
The point at which the first great cycle ends and the next (which is given 
complete) begins is marked thus : :o: . I next locate the fore- 
going groups of years so as, if possible, not to clash with each other, and 
also in such a manner that the period represented by a group shall fall 
within one of the Ahaues marked off on the table. 

Each group is surrounded by a continuous dark line, so as to be easily 
distinguished from other periods marked on the same table; they are also 
numbered at the sides thus: (11), (!)), (7), (5), (3), these numbers corre- 
sponding with the day numbers by which the different groups were 
obtained. 

These groups, each consisting of twenty years, not only fall within the 
lines marking the Katunes, but come in regular succession, leaving four 
uncounted years between each two periods — ^two belonging to one and two 
to that which follows. In other words, while the Katun or Ahau as a whole, 
according to the theory upon which I am now proceeding, always com- 
menced with a Cauac year, the twenty "counted years" in the present 
example begin with a Muluc year. But, as appears from what has already 
been shown, this is not always true in regard to these periods, yet it is gen- 
erally the case. 

If we observe carefully the five figures in the first or uppermost division 
of the plates under consideration, we see that they correspond in character 
to those in the second division to which we have just alluded, and that the 
black numeral is also the same, (U). The only red numerals recognizable 
are the 13 over the long-nosed god on Plate XXX, the 8 facing the left- 
hand figure on Plate XXXI, and the 2 over the left-hand figure on Plate 
XXX. According to the arrangement of the numbers in the second divis- 
ion, those in this division woidd be 8, 6,. 4, 2, 13, reading from left to right. 
If we assume these numbers to be correct, and the days to be Eb, Kan, 



40 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TROANO. 



Oib, Lamat, and Aliaix, as shown by those not obliterated, the years would 
be as follows: 





'13 El). 


13 Ean. 


13 Cil). 


13 Lamat. 


13 Ahau. 


^ Years . 


... S Caiiac. 


3 Cauac. 


4 Cauac. 


12 Cauac. 


7 Cauac. 


„J Years. 
1 Years. 


...13 Kan. 


8 Kan. 


9 Kan. 


4 Kan. 


5 Kan. 


. . . 5 Mnluc. 


6 Muluc. 


1 Muluc. 


2 Muluc. 


10 Muluc. 


[ Years . 


... 3Ix. 


lllx. 


6Ix. 


7Ix, 


2Ix. 




8Eb. 


8 Ean. 


8 Cib. 


8 Lamat. 


8 Ahau. 


{ Years . 


...3 Oauac. 


11 Cauac. 


12 Oauac. 


7 Cauac. 


2 Cauac. 


„ j Years . 
'^ Years. 


... 8 Kan. 


3 Kan. 


4 Kan. 


12 Kan. 


13 Kan. 


. . . 13 Muluc. 


1 Muluc. 


9 Muluc. 


10 Muluc. 


5 Muluc. 


Years . 


...lllx. 


6Ix. 


llx. 


2Ix. 


10 Ix. 




6Eb. 


6 Ean. 


6 Cib. 


6 Lamat. 


6 Ahau. 


\ Years. 


... 1 Cauac. 


9 Cauac. 


10 Cauac. 


5 Cauac. 


13 Cauac. 


Years, 
t Years. 


. . . C Kan. 


1 Kan. 


2 Kan. 


10 Kan. 


11 Kan. 


...11 Muluc. 


12 Muluc. 


7 Muluc. 


8 Muluc. 


3 Muluc. 


Years 


. . . 9 Ix. 


4Ix. 


12 Ix. 


13 Ix. 


Six. 




4 Eh. 


4 Ean. 


4 Cib. 


4 Lamat. 


4 Ahau. 


r Years . 
] Years . 
1 Years. 


. . , 12 Cauac. 


7 Cauac. 


8 Cauac. 


3 Cauac. 


11 Cauac. 


. . . 4 Kan. 


12 Kan. 


13 Kan. 


8 Kan. 


9 Kan. 


. . . 9 Muluc. 


10 Muluc. 


5 Muluc. 


6 Muluc. 


1 Muluc. 


I Years . 


... 7Ix. 


2Ix. 


10 Ix. 


11 Ix. 


6Ix. 




2Eb. 


a Ean. 


2 Cib. 


2 Lamat. 


2 Ahau. 


C Years . 
2 j Years - 
"" 1 Years. 


. . . 10 Cauac. 


5 Cauac. 


6 Cauac. 


1 Cauac. 


9 Cauac. 


...2 Kan., 


10 Kan. 


11 Kan. 


6 Kan. 


7 Kan. 


. . . 7 Muluc. 


8 Muluc. 


3 Muluc. 


4 Muluc. 


12 Muluc. 


I Years . 


... 5Ix. 


13 Ix. 


8Ix. 


9 Ix. 


4Ix. 



Locating these on the same table (XVI) as shown by the groups sur- 
rounded by dotted lines, we find that they follow each other in precisely the 
same order as the other groups. As these groups all fit into the Ahaues as 
I Iiave divided them off, we have in this fact a strong presumption that our 
division is correct; still, it is proper to state hei'e, as will be shown here- 
after, that all these periods will also fit into the Ahaues if the grand cycle 
is divided according to the theory advanced by Senor Perez. Yet, even on 
this plan, these periods begin with Cauac years and have the same num- 
bers; the only difference between the plans, so far as this matter is con- 
cerned, is that equivalents do not occupy precisely the same position in the 
grand cycle, but overlap each other three years. 



THOMAsi FIEST YEAR OF THE AHAU. 41 

Whether the Dresden Codex commences the series with the same year 
as the Manuscript Troano is a point not yet decided; but from what is 
shown on Plates 25-28, Kan does not appear to be the first. I think there 
can be no doubt that these four plates represent the fetes and ceremonies of 
the supplementary days desci'ibed by Landa (Relac. de las cosas, §§ XXXV- 
XXXVIII). The reasons for this opinion will be given hereafter. It is 
evident from the day-characters in the left-hand column that the plates are 
numbered in the proper order. These days — of which there are but two 
on a plate, though each is repeated thirteen times— are probably the last 
two of the supplementary days of the year. As those on Plate 25 are Eb 
and Been the year denoted must be Muluc or Ix; that is, the closing Muluc 
year or commencing Ix year. It is quite plain that the year Kan is not 
the one denoted. As I will refer more at length to these plates hereafter I 
will not undertake to determine anything further concerning them here, my 
only object at present being to show that neither Codex appears to com- 
mence the series of years with Kan. 

Before closing the discussion in reference to the dominical day of the 
first year of the Ahau, it is proper to call attention to wdiat CoguUudo says 
on this point. According to his statement in a quotation from his work, 
found elsewhere in this paper, the Indians fixed the first year of these 
periods to the east, to which they gave the name Cuch-haab ; the second, 
called Hiix, they placed at the west; the third, named Cauac, at the south, 
and the fourth, Muluc, at the north. It is evident that Cucb-haab here is 
the equivalent of Kan, and if we take the numbers as this author gives 
them, Kan would be the first, but the order in which the other three follow 
each other would not agree with that found in the calendar. If we com- 
mence with Kan and follow the order of these years as given in the calen- 
dar, the order of the cardinal points would then be east, north, west, south. 
It is apparent therefore that this statement throws but little if any light on 
the subject. It is well known that the south, at which Cauac was placed, 
was, to some of the Maya nations at least, the point of departui-e or chief 
cardinal point. AVe have therefore as much authority for assuming it as the 
first of these periods as the simple fact that Cogulludo gives Kan as the first, 
especially as the number he gives applied to the lusters. 




42 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOAKO. 

Our next step is to determine the respective numbers of the Ahaues as 
located in the grand cycle. 

We start as a matter of course with tlie understanding- that the num- 
bers were as heretofore stated — 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2 — and 
that they always followed each other in the order here given ; that is to say, 
1 always followed 3, 12 always followed 1, and so on. 

On folios 71, 72, and 73 of the Dresden Codex we find the following 

figures placed in one con- 
tinuous line (Fig. 7) ; (a suf- 
ficient number for illustra- 
FiG. 7. ^ tion only are given): 

Commencing with the left-hand figure and reading to the right, the 
numbers given in them are 11, 13, 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, 1, 3, 5, 7; in the lower 
right-hand corner of page 73 we find the missing 9. The fact that the order 
is here reversed, if read from left to right, is no evidence that this is the 
order in which the Ahaues (if these figures refer to these periods) followed 
each other, as it is possible they should be read from right to left. But 
the fact that v/e here find thii'teen peculiar figures, with the knot de- 
noting the tying of years or period of years, with numbers following each 
other in the order, whether direct or reversed, of those used in numbering 
the Ahaues, is sufiicient to justify us in believing that they refer to these 
periods. The only reason I see for any doubt as to the correctness of this 
conclusion is that on pages 62 and 63 we find similar figures containing 
numeral characters for 10, Id, 17, and 19, numbers that cannot refer to the 
Ahaues. Possibly they may be used to designate the years of the Ahaues, 
but be this as it may, a close inspection of the knots will show that they 
are diff'erent from those on pages 71, 72, and 73. 

Knowing the order in which they follow each other, it is evident that 
if we can determine the number of any one in the series it is a very simple 
matter to number all the rest. 

As the possibility of our being able to compare dates of the Maya 
system with those of the Christian era depends on the correct determination 
of this point, I will give not only my own conclusion, illustrating- it by 
means of a table (XVII), but will also show the result of following out 



ruoMAs] METHOD OP NUMBEKING THE AHAUES. ' 43 

Senor Perez's theory, tlie only other possible one, so far as I am able to 
see, illustrating it also by tables (XVIII and XIX). 

According to the statement in the Perez manuscript already quoted, 
Chief Ajpula died in the 13th Ahau in the year 4 Kan, and there were 
six years wanting to complete this Ahau. As it appears more than prob- 
able, judging by the contents of the manuscript itself, that it Avas written 
soon after the Spaniards came into possession of the peninsula, we may, I 
think, rely upon this date as correctly given, although the manuscript is 
evidently confused and, in some respects, inaccurate and even contradictory. 

If the grand cycle was divided into Ahaues of twenty -four years each, 
as heretofore suggested, and as shown in the annexed table (XVII), it 
follows that the one in which this event occurred must necessarily have 
been that which I have numbered XIII, as there is no other one in the 
entire gi-and cycle that has six years remaining after the year 4 Kan. 

Each of the tables (XVII, XVIII, XIX) includes one entire grand 
cycle, also one cycle of the preceding and one of the following grand 
cycles. The commencement and ending of the grand cycles are marked 

thus : :o: ; the divisions between the Ahaues are marked by solid 

black transverse lines, each group of the usually counted years is sur- 
rounded by a single dotted line; the period embraced by Plates XX-XXIII 
(our Plates I-IV) is surrounded by a single waved line; the Ahaues are 
numbered with Roman numei'als. 

Table XVII begins with a Cauac yeai", and is made in accordance 
with the theory I have advanced. Tables XVIII and XIX commence 
with a Kan year, and are made in accordance with the theory advanced 
by Perez ; XIX, upon the assumption that the first Ahau commenced 
with the fourth year of the grand cycle; XVIII, upon the theory that it 
began with the last year of the preceding grand cycle, as one of these two 
plans must be adopted to carry out his theory. 



44 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSOllIPT TEOANO. 



Table XVII. 



1 . 

O 


a 




1—1 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


C 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4." 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


1327 

3, 


i 


9 


6: 
10 


i 7 


8 


ill 


12 


13 


1 


: 2 


3 


4 


5 


i 6 


7 


8 


,9| 


Si 10 1 Hi 


12 
): 


'1:3^ "^ 


>i :< 


<i i''^' 








i(i) 


2 


i 3 


4^^ 


^:i 5 


6 


7 


8:^ 


h 9 


10 


11 


12;^ 


Sh13 


] 
1 


[ 
2 


3;> 


^!i 4 


5 


6 


7:^ 


I.. 8. 


9; 10 


11 i 


)' 


13 


K 


>I 1375 1 

?i 12 


iCi^ 


2'1 


c 




5 


6-J 


fl 3 


4 


Sli 7 


8 


9 


10 i 


^ill 


X 

12 


[I 

13 


1^? 


}\ 2 


3 


4 


5^ 


^1 C 


7\ 


8 


9 \ 








1 1^ 

130!! 


^ 


il2 

i 





6 
a 




i 


»— 1 


1— 1 
4i 


; 1 


2 


3 


i 5 


6 


7 


8i 


\ 9 


10 j 11 


12 j 


|13 

i 4 


1 


2 


3i 


5i 


6 


7 


U23 I 

8i 


9 


10 
1 


Hi 

2; 


12 


13 


\ 3 


4 


5 


Gi 


1*7 


VJ 

8 


rii 
9 


10 i 


ill 

i 2 


12 

3i 


13 


li 


4 


5 


1S7 1 


7 


1 8 


9 
13 


ilO 


11 


12 




VI 




i 1 


2 


3 


4; 


1 5 


6 


7 


8^ 


i 9 
13 


10 
1; 


11 


12 i 


2 


3 


1471 1 

4 


5 


i 6 
10 


7i 
111 


; 8 


9 


12 


13 


1 


2i 


i 3 


I 
4 


V 

5 


6i 


^ 7 
ill 


8 

12: 


9 


10 i 


13 


1 


1W5 

2i 


3 


i 4 


5 
9i 


i 6 


7 


8 


ilO 


I 
11 


I 
12 


13; 





1 


2 


3 


5 


6 


7 


9 


10 


11 


13 


1 


2 


4 


5 


6 


8 


9 


10 


12 


13 


1 


3 


4 


5 


7 


8 


9 


11 


12 


13 


2 


3 


4 


6 


7 


8 


10 


11 


12 



12 
3 
7 

11 
2 
6 

10 

1 
5 

9 
13 



* Year 14:35. 



1 1536, year Ajpula died. 



THOMAS. ] 



METHOD OF NUMBERING THE AHAUES. 
Table No. XVIII. 



45 



^i 11 



12 13 



-:o:- 



;13 

1320 



9 I 10 
13 



X.H 



8 

ii W 



13 i 



■ 1493. 



a 






6 

§ 



\ 1 


2 


3 


4| 


\ 5 


6 


7 


8i 




X 




1 9 


10 


11 


12! 


il3 

1 4; 


1 


2 


3; 


5 


6 


1392 

7 


8 


; 9 
13 


10 
1 


11 

2 


U2 


i 3 


4 


5 


G 




VIII 




: 7 


8 


9 


10 


i 2\ 


12 


13 


1 


3 


4 


14IG 

5 


« 


7 


8 


9: 


10 


11 


12 


13 i 




VI 




; 1 


2 


3 


4; 


': 5 


6 


7 


8: 


9 

13 1 


10 


11 


12; 


1 


2 


3 

1440 


4 


^ 5 


6 


7i 


: 8 


9 


10 


111 


II2 


13 


1 


2 1 




IV 




i 3 


4 


5 


6; 


! 7 


8 


9 


10 1 


12 


13 


1464 

1 

5 1 


2 


I 3 4 


i 6 


7 8 


9^ 


110 


II 

11 12 


13 







1— 1 




D 

4i 


\ 1 


2 


3 




II 




\ 5 


6 i 7 


8i 


i 91 


10 11 


1)488 
12 


13 


; 1 


2 


3: 


4* 


5 


a 


7 \ 


1 8 


9 


10 


11 i 




XIII 




;12 


13 


1 


2; 


i 3 

1 7; 


4 


5 


6: 


8 


9 


1512 

10 
T1 

51 


11 


12 
3 


is' 

4 


2 


6 


7 


8 


9: 


10 


11 


12 


13 1 




XI 




1 


2 1 3 


4; 

IMS 

8 


5! 


6 7 


9 


iio 
1 


11 

2 


3: 


!13t 


; 4 


5 


G 


7i 




IX 




i 8 


9 


10 


11 


;12 

! 3: 


13 


1 


2: 


4 


5 


15G0 

6 


7 


; 8 


9 


10; 


; 11 


12 


13 


1 


• 2 


3 


4 


51 




VII 




: 6 


7 


8 


9: 


1 19 


11 


12 


13 i 


; . 









a 



9 
13 

4 

8 

12 






B 



4 

1584 



10 

1 

5 
9 



13 



11 

2 

6 
10 



7 
11 

2 

G 

10 



12 



13 



III 



3 

7 

11 



12 



12 
3 

7 

Hi 



1CO8 

2 



10 
1 

9 



-:o:- 



1 


2 


3 


5 


G 


7 


9 


10 


11 


13 


1 


2 


4 


5 


G 


8 


9 


10 


12 


13 


1 


3 


4 


5 


7 


8 


9 


11 


12 


13 


2 


3 


4 


6 


7 


8 


10 


11 


12 



13 

1G32 



4 

8 

12 

3 



1656 
11 



G 
10 



9 
13 



t 1541. 



46 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROAISTO. 



Table XIX. 



n 
es 



1 
_5 

9 
13 

4 

8 
12 
_3 

7 
11 

2 

6 
10 



o 



2 

_G_ 
10 

1 

5 

9 
13 

4 



3 

JL 
11 

2 

6 

10 

1 

5 



A. 

8 

12 
3 
7 

11 
2 
6 

10 
1 
5 
9 

13 




a 




1— 1 


d 








1! 


2 


3 


4; 


: 5 


G 


7 


8i 


\ 9 


I 
10 


11 


121 


jl3 


1 


2 


3| 




5 


6 


7i 


9 


10 j 11 


12: 


13 


1 


■-21 


; 3 


4 


5 


6| 


i 7 


8 


9 


10! 


ill. 


X 

12 


11 
13 


li 


i 2 


3 


4 


51 


: 6: 


7 


8 


9 


10: 


11 


12 


13: 


1 1 


2 


3 


4; 


i 5 


6 


7 


8: 


I 9 


10 


i. 
11 


12; 


il3 


1 


2 


3i 


^ 4=1 


5 


6 


7* 


8; 


9 


10 


11: 


il2 


13 


1 


2; 


i 3 


4 


5 


6! 


i 7 


8 


■I 

9 


10; 


ill 


12 


13 


1: 


j 2; 


3 


™ll '5^ 


Gi 


7'i 8"1 91| 


10 


11 


12 


13! 



p 

M 

; 1 


d 


1— 1 


o 


2 


3 


4; 


; 5 


6 


7 


8: 


\ 9 


VI 

10 1 11 


12 1 


il3i 


1 2 


1440 

3 


4i 


5 


6 


7i 


i 8 


9 


10 


11; 


il2 


13 


1 


21 


1 3 


IV 

4 5 


6 


\ 7 


8 


9 


10 i 


ill! 


12 


13 


1 


2: 


3 


4 


5i 


; 6 


7 


8 


9; 


1 10 


11 


12 


13: 




II 




1 


2 


3 


4; 


i 5 
[9: 


6 


7 


8; 


10 


11 


U88" 

12 


13: 


1 


2 


3: 


: 4* 


5 


6 


7 


; 8 


9 


10 


11 i 


12 


13 


II 

1 


2: 


: 3 


4 


5 


6: 


\ 7: 


8 


9 


1512 

10 


11: 


12 


13 


1; 


i 2 


3 


4 


5! 


1 G 


a 

7 


11 

8 


9l 


110 


11 


12 


13: 

■ 





6 


1— 1 


i 

i 



i 1 
\ 5] 


2 


3 


4; 


6 


7 


,1536 
1 8 


9i 


10 


11 


12 


;13 


1 


2 


3 


1 8 


5 G 

IX 

9 1 10 


7 
11 


;1- 

1 31 


13 

4 


1 
5' 


2 
6 


7; 


8 


9 


10: 


111 


12 


13 


1; 


i 2 
I 6 


3 4 

VH 

7 1 8 


5: 
9 : 


ilO 


11 


12 


13 : 


- 


:o: 


1 


2 [ 3 


—4- 
8 


5 


6 


7 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 
12 


9 
13 


10 
1 


11 


2 
6 


3 


4 


5 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


HF 




1 1 



TMOMAs] METHOD OF NUMBERING TUE AHAUES. 47 

If I am coiTGct in the plan of the table given, and the division into 
Ahaues, it follows that the rest of these periods in the grand cycle would 
be numbered as shown by the Roman numerals on Table XVII. These 
numbers agree precisely with the numbers of the first years of the respect- 
ive Ahaues, and furnish, as heretofore suggested, an explanation of the 
singular method of enumerating these periods. If we now turn to Table 
XVI, showing the periods obtained from the dates on Plates XXX and 
XXXI of the Manuscript, we will see that their position and numbers 
agree exactl}^ with those given in Table XVII. 

As tending to confirm this conclusion, it will be necessary for me to 
introduce here a comparison of Maya dates with those of the Christian era. 

As the designated 4 Kan corresponds, according to the manuscript 
quoted, with the year 1536, the last year of that Ahau (10 Ix) was 1542. 
Taking this as a starting point, I have given on the table the year of our 
era corresponding with the first year of each Ahau. Now let us test this 
result by the two or three additional dates found on record, and which the 
authorities have failed to make agree with any explanation of the Maya 
calendar heretofore given. 

Bishop Landa (Relacion de Cosas, § 41) states that "the Indians say, 
for example, that the Spaniards arrived in the City of Merida in the year 
of the nativity of our Lord and Master, 1541, which was precisely the j'?rs^ 
year of the 11th Ahau." We may assume as certain that the Indians gave 
the bishop no such date as 1541, or any other year of the Christian era or 
Gregoi-ian Calendar, as they were wholly unacquainted with that system; 
the year given must have been according to their method of designating 
dates, or by counting back the years. 

As he understood the twenty "counted years" to constitute an Ahau, 
and supposed one of these periods to follow another without any interven- 
ing years, he would probably take 9 Muluc of the 13th Ahau as the first of 
the 11th, which, as will be seefl by reference to the table, is 1541, exactly 
the date required. 

It is evident that either he or the author of the Perez manuscript was 
mistaken, for according to the latter the 13th Ahau ended with the year 



48 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 



1542 (whether we count 20 or 21 years to the Ahau), while according to 
Landa it closed with 1540. 

He asserts, while writing his work in Spain in 1566, that: "It is now 
120 years since Mayapan was destroyed." As this number could have 
been obtained only by counting Ahaues, it must have been understood by 
him as covering just six of these periods, and hence the correct number 
would be 144 years instead of 120. This number carries us back to the 
year 1422 or 1423, the last of the Xth or first of the Vlllth Ahau. Co- 
gulludo places the destruction of Mayapan about 1420 of the Christian era; 
the Perez manuscript places it in the 8th Ahau. As the above calculation 
places it in the last of the tenth or the first of the eighth, the discrepancy is 
but slight, and the agreement as close as could be expected in an attempt 
to reconcile such general statements. 

Senor Perez seems to have taken as his chief authority, in comparing 
dates of tlie two systems, the statements of certain writers to the effect that 
the year 1392 of our era corresponded with the year 7 Cauac of the 8th 
Ahau of the Maya system.^ 

Unfortunately he mentions but one of these authorities — Don Cosme 
de Burgos — whose work he informs us "has been lost." 

1 " Serie de los auos corridos en dos Ahau Katuu, tomando su prinoipio eu 1392 en que pas6 segun 
los manusoritos el 8 Ahau en el ano 7 Cauac: 

8= Ahau Katun. 



1393 7 Cauac. 

1393 8 Kan. 

1394 9Mulnc. 

1395 lOHix. 

1396 11 Cauac. 

1397 12 Kan. 

1416 5 Cauac. 

1417 6 Kan. 

1418 7Muluc. 

1419 8Hlx. 

1420 9 Cauac. 

1421 10 Kan. 



1398 ISMuluc. 

1399 1 Hix. 

1400 2 Cauac. 

1401 3 Kan. 

1402 4Muluc. 

1403 5 Hix. 



1404 (i Cauac. 

1405 7 Kau. 

140G SMuluc. 

1407 9 Hix. 

1408 10 Cauac. 

1409 11 Kan. 



6" Ahau Katun. 



1422 11 Muluc. 

1423 12 Hix. 

1424 13 Cauac. 

1425 1 Kan. 

1426 SMuluc. 

1427 3 Hix. 



1428 4 Cauac. 

1429 5 Kau. 

1430 6 Muluc. 

1431 7 His. 

1432 8 Cauac. 

1433 ..^... 9 Kan. 



1410 12 Muluc. 

1411 13 Hix. 

1412 1 Cauac. 

1413 2 Kan. 

1414 SMuluc. 

1415 4 Hix. 

1434 10 Muluc. 

1435 11 Hix. 

1436 12 Cauac. 

1437 13 Kan. 

1438 1 Muluc. 

1439 2 Hix. 



" El punto de apoyo de que se valen para acomodarlos Ahau Katunes ix. los aiios de la era Cristiana 
y contar los periodos y siglos que en ella han pasadc, y entender y saber concordar los anos que citan 
los indios en sus historias con los que corresponden S, los de dicha era, es el aiJo de 1392, el cual segnn 
todos los manuscritos, y algunos de ellos tipoyilndose en el testimonio de D. Cosme de Burgos escritor y 
conquistador de esta peninsula cuyos escritos se han perdido, fu<S el referido ano, en el cual cay6 7 Cauac 
y di6 principio eu se seguudt; dia el 8 Ahau; y de este como de uu truuco se ordeuan todos los que 
antect'dieron y sucedieron segun el ordcu numerico quo guardan y va espuesto : y como con este concuer- 
dan todas las series que se hallan en los manuscritos, es necesario creerlo como incontrovertible." 



THOMAS.] 



METHOD OF NUMBERING THE AHAUES. 



49 



We are therefore left in doubt as to whether the calculation necessary 
in comparing the date in one system with the same date in the other was 
made by his authorities or was his own. It is evident that it must have 
been made by them or by him, as it could not have been given by the 
Indians. Be this as it may, it is based upoiT the theory that the 7 Cauac 
mentioned was the first year of the Ahau in which the event noted occurred, 
a supposition by no means necessary. 

Following out this supposition, he is compelled to place the death of 
Ajpula in the year 1493, thus antedating this event by 43 years. It also 
leads him into the absurdity of placing the first arrival of the Spaniards 
on the coast of Yucatan — which occurred in the 2d Ahau — between the 
years 1464 and 1488. 

In order to make this plain, I refer to the Tables XVIII and XIX 
constructed on his theory, and also to the continuous li&t of years covering 
the 8th, 6th, 4th, 2d, and 13th Ahaues (Table XX). The year 1392 and 
that in which he places the death of Ajpula (1493) are designated on the 
tables and on the list by a star. 

Table XX. 



■ VIIlTH AlIAU. 

7 Cauac 1392* 

8 Kau 1393 

9 Muluc 1394 

10 Ix 1395 

11 Cauac 1396 

12 Kan 1397 

13 Muluc 1398 

1 Ix 1399 

2 Cauac 1400 

3 Kan 1401 

4 Muluc 1402 

5 Ix 1403 

6 Cauac 1404 

7 Kau 1405 

8 Muluc 1406 

9 Ix 1407 

10 Cauac 1408 

11 Kan 1409 

12 Muluc 1410 

13 Ix 1411 

1 Cauac 1412 

2 Kan 1413 

3 Muluc 1414 

4 Ix 1415 

4 M T 



VIth Ahau. 

5 Cauac 1416 

6 Kan 1417 

7 Muluc 1418 

8 Ix 1419 

9 Cauac 1420 

10 Kau 1421 

11 Muluc 1422 

12 Ix 1423 

13 Cauac 1424 

1 Kan 1425 

2 Muluc 1426 

3 Ix 1427 

4 Cauac 1428 

5 Kau 1429 

6 Muluc 1430 

7 Ix 1431 

8 Cauac 1432 

9 Kau 1433 

10 Muluc 1434 

11 Ix 1435 

12 Cauac 1436 

13 Kan 1437 

1 Muluc 1438 

2 Ix 1439 



IVth Ahau. 

3 Cauac 1440 

4 Kau 1441 

5 Muluc 1442 

6 Ix 1443 

7 Cauac 1444 

8 Kan 1445 

9 Muluc 1446 

10 Ix 1447 

11 Cauac 1448 

12 Kau 1449 

13 Muluc 1450 

1 Ix 1451 

2 Cauiic : 1452 

3 Kan 1453 

4 Muluc 1454 

5 Ix 1455 

6 Cauac 1456 

7 Kan 1457 

8 Muluc 1458 

9 Ix 1.559 

10 Cauac 1460 

11 Kan 1461 

12 Muluc 1462 

13 Ix 1463 



50 



A STUDY OF THE MAJ^USCRIPT TEOANO. 



IlD AHAU. 

1 Cauac 1464 

2 Kan 1465 

3 Muluo 1466 

4 Ix 1467 

5 Cauao 1468 

6 Kan '. 1469 

7 Muluc 1470 

8 Ix 1471 

9 Cauac 1472 

10 Kan 1473 

11 Muluc 1474 

12 Ix 1475 

13 Cauac 1476 

1 Kau 1477 

a Muluc 1478 

3 Ix 1479 

4 Cauac 1480 

5 Kan 1481 

6 Muluc 1482 

7 Ix 1483 

8 Cauac 1484 

9 Kan 1485 

10 Muluc 1486 

11 Ix 1487 



XIIIth Ahau. 

13 Cauac 1488 

13 Kan 1489 

1 Muluc 1490 

2 Ix 1491 

3 Cauac 1492 

4 Kan *1493 

5 Muluc 1494 

6 Ix 1495 

7 Cauac 1496 

8 Kan 1497 

9 Muluc 1498 

10 Ix 1499 

11 Cauac 1500 

12 Kan 1501 

13 Muluc 1502 

1 Ix 1503 

2 Cauac 1504 

3 Kan 1505 

4 Muluc 1506 

5 Ix 1507 

6 Cauao 1508 

7 Kan 1509 

8 Muluc 1510 

9 Ix 1511 

IXtii Ahau. 

8 Cauac 1536 

9 Kan 1537 

10 Muluc 1538 

11 Ix 1539 

12 Cauac 1540 

13 Kan 1541 



XlTH Ahau. 

10 Cauac 1512 

11 Kan 1513 

12 Muluc 1514 

13 Ix 1515 

1 Cauac 1516 

2 Kan 1517 

3 Muluc 1518 

4 Ix 1519 

5 Cauac 1520 

6 Kan 1521 

7 Muluc 1522 

8 Ix 1523 

9 Cauac 1524 

10 Kan 1525 

11 Muluc 1526 

12 Ix 1527 

13 Cauac 1528 

1 Kan 1529 

2 Muluc 1530 

3 Ix 1531 

4 Cauac 1532 

5 Kan 1533 

6 Muluc .1534 

7 Ix 1535 



Following out this theory we will have to place the taking of Merida 
by the Spaniards (1541) in the sixth year of the IXtli Ahau, instead of the 
first of the Xltli. As Landa went to Yucatan about the year 1549, we are 
not warranted in supposing that he made an error of thirty years in refer- 
ence to an event that occurred but a few years before his arrival. 

It is apparent from these facts that, assuming, as Perez does, that the 
year 1392 was the year 7 Cauac, and the first of an Ahau, conflicts with 
every other date left on record. 

I think we may therefore take for granted that there was some error 
in the calculation by which this author, or those from whom he quotes, 
obtained this date. As this calculation antedates the death of Ajpula just 
43 years, let us add that number to 1392: This gives us 1435. If we turn 
now to Table XVII, made according to my theory, we find that 7 Cauac 



Ti.oMAfi.] METHOD OF NUMBERING THE AHAUES. 51 

of the 8tli Ahau is the year 1435, and that by adding the 43 years — the 
number Perez has antedated the death of Ajpula — all the dates agree sub- 
stantially, and also drop into their proper places in the Maya Calendar. 

As the authorities to whom Perez refers obtained their information 
from the Indians, the date was as a matter of course given according to the 
Maya method of reckoning time; hence the "year 7 Cauac and 8th Ahau" 
are most likely to be correct. It is very probable this was the date of some 
notable event in the history of that people, and as it gives when corrected 
the year 1435, 1 am of the opinion it relates to the destruction of Mayapan, 
which, according to the manuscript translated by Stephens, occurred in the 
8th Ahau. 

Another error arising from this mistake on the part of Perez was that he 
was forced to place the death of Ajpula in the 6th year of the 13tli Ahau, 
instead of in the ] 8th as given by his manuscript, in order to get it in 4 Kan. 
An examination of Tables No. XVIII and XIX, which are constructed 
according to his theory, will show that there is no Ahau but number I, in 
which 4 Kan is the 18th year. This is true no matter where we com- 
mence dividing the grand cycle, according to his idea. 

As Table XVIII commences the division with the last year of a grand 
cycle, I have given at the same place another (XIX) on his plan, commenc- 
ing with the fourth year of this period, in order to illustrate the above 
statement. 

Taking into consideration all the evidence I can obtain bearing upon 
the points now under consideration I am forced to the following conclusions: 

1st. That the series of years began with Cauac. 

2d. That the first year of a grand cycle was also the first year of an 
Ahau. 

3d. That the thirteen Ahaues of a grand cycle were numbered as 
shown in Table XVII. 

4th. That they were numbered according to the number of their first 
years respectively. 

But it is best perhaps for me to call attention here to the following facts 
in reference to the numbering of these periods. 

First. That the division of the grand cycle according to the plan I 



52 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

have adopted, which is repeated on the annexed Table XXI, does not 
preclude ijs from accepting Perez's theory that they were numbered from 
the second day of the first year, which, as the periods begin with Cauac, 
would be Ahau. This would change the position of the Ahaues so far as 
their numbers are concerned, and they would then stand as shown in this 
table; that is, the first one in the grand cycle would be No. II, the next 
XIII, and so on in the usual order. But one very serious objection to this 
plan of numbering is that 4 Kan of the Xlllth Ahau would be the sixth 
instead of the eighteenth year. 

I am of the opinion that the only foundation Perez had for thus num- 
bering these periods is the fact that the name "Ahau" was applied to them. 
It is probable that it was sometimes so applied on account of their impor- 
tance, but a careful study of the language of Landa and Cogulludo lead 
me to believe that Katun was the name by which they were usually desig- 
nated. The latter author gives this term only. Landa simply remarks that 
"they counted 13 twenties with one of the twenty letters of their month 
which is called Ahau, without order and alternate only as on the border of 
the wheel above; they called these, in their language, Katunes."^ 

The most serious objection which, so far as I see, can be urged against 
my theory is that the series of Ahaues does not begin with XIII, or, in 
other words, that the first of the grand cycle is not XIII. But this objec- 
tion applies with equal force to Perez's scheme. If we adopt the division 
shown in Table XVIII, and suppose the numbering to correspond with the 
first year (Cauac) of each period, we would then commence the grand 
cycle with the Xlllth Ahau. To illustrate this I give a table (XXII) sim- 
ilar to XVIII so far as the division of the grand cycle is concerned, but 
numbered as above suggested. 

1 "No solo teuian los indios ouenta en ol aBo y meses, como qneda dicho, y seruilado atras pero 
tenian cierto rnodo de contar los tiempos y sus cosas per edades, las quales bazian de veyute en veynte 
alios, contaiido XIJI veyutes con nna de las XX letras do los meses que Uamau Aliau, sin orden sino 
retruecanados como parecerau en la siguiente raya redonda; llaman les a estos en su leugua Katunes, 
y con ellos tenian a maravilla ciienta con sus edades, y la fue assi facil al viejo de quieu en el primero 
capitulo dise avia trescientos alios accoidarse dellos." (Landa, Eolacion de las Cosas, ^ XLI.) 



METHOD OF :N^UMBERING THE AHAUES. 



53 



Table XXI. 



^ 




6 




c3 


• 














c3 


M 


S 
g 


M 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 




VI 




IS 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 




IV 




2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


- 


:o: 


- 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 




II 




9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 




XIII 




11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 



i 
i 

o 

1 


a 

TO 


1 


4 


2 


3 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


I 
11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


I 
4 


X 

5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


C 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 




VII 




1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


o 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


1 
4 


r 
5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


o 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


III 

11 12 


13 



i 

p 

1 


1 
2 






3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8- 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


o 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


J 
13 


[ 
1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


XII 

11 1 12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


3 

5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3' 


4 


5 


G 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


VI 

3 


II 

4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 12 


13 







c5 


1— 1 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


VI 

5 1 6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


IV 

3 4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 




:o: 


- 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


I 
1 


I 
2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


XI 

12 


II 

13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 



54 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 



This plan has this fact in its favor: it not only throws the Xlllth Ahau 
at the commencement of the grand cycle, but 4 Kan is also its 18th year. 

Table XXII. 



12 



11 



10; 



12 



-:o:- 



I !207 I 

13 '> 



1 


; 2 
6 


3 

7 


4: 
8; 


5 


9 
13 


10 

X 

1 


11 
III 

2 


12: 
3; 


4 


5 


6 


7! 


8i 


9 


10 


■ 1231 

11 



13 



11 I 12 1131 





d 




d 


. 


S 




d 


a 








cS 


3 


• 


cS 


W 


g 


1— 1 


O 


: 1 


2 


3 


4; 


i 5 


6 


7 


8| 




IX 




; 9 


10 


11 


12 i 


jl3 

1 *l 


1 


2 


3: 


5 


r. r279" 

6 7 


Sj 


9 


10 


11; 


112 


13 


1 


2; 


! 3 


4 


5 


6; 




VII 




: 7 


8 


9 


10: 


ill 


12 


13 


li 


1 2; 


3 


4 


1303 

5 


G; 


7 


8 


9; 


:10 


11 


12 


13; 




V 




1 1 


2 


3 


4; 


I 5 


6 


7 


8: 


i 9 


10 


11 


12; 


:13l 


1 


2 


1327 

3 

"'■'7; 


4; 


5' 


G 


; 8 


9 


10 


Hi 


:12 


13 


1 


2; 




III 




i 3 


4 


5 


«i 


: 7 


8 


9 


10; 


Hi 


12 13 


13ol 
1 


2; 


3 


4 


5: 


i 6 


7 


8 


9; 




I 




ilO 


11 12 


13 i 



a 


d 

3 


1— 1 


i 


1 1 


2 


3 


4| 


i 5 


6* 7 


8: 


! 9; 


10 11 


"1375" 

12 


13 


1 


2 


3; 


; 4 


5 


6 


7 1 


i 8 


9 10 


11; 


; 12 


XII 

13 1 


2 


; ^ 


4 


5 


6; 


8 


9 


1399 

10 


11 


il2 


13 


Ij 


: 2 


3 


4 


5: 


; 6 


7 


8 


9i 


10 


3 
11 


12 


13 i 


1 1 

i 5i 


2 


3 


4 


6 


7 


1423 

8 


9 


;10 


11 


12; 


Il3 


1 


2 


3: 


1 4 


3 


6 


7* ; 


i 8 


VI 

9 


II 

10 


11^ 


il2 
^ 3i 


13 


1 


2 i 


4 


5 


1M7 

6 


7 


r'8' 


9 


101 


111 


12 


13 


1 i 


; 2 


3 


4 


5; 


; 6 


7 


8 


9: 


;10 


11 


12 


13 1 



1 


d 


1— I 


O 


li 


2 


3 


4 

1471 


5 


(5 


7 


Si 


9 


10 


11 


12 i 


13 


1 


2 


3; 


4 


IV 

5 ] 6 


7i 


8 


9 


10 


11; 


12 1 


13 


1 


1W5 

2 


3 


i 4 
8 


'5 

9 


6 

10 


; 7 


;11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


1 

3 


I 
4 


5 


1 6 


7 


8 


9i 


ilO 


11 


12 


- 151!)- 

13 


1 


:o: 


- 


1 2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12: 


13 


XI 

1 


II 

2 


3 


: 4t 

1 si 


5 


6 


7i 


9 


10 


"TF-l3~ 

11 


12 


4 


1' 

5 


2' 

6 


! 3 


\ 7 


8 


9 


10! 


ill 


12 


13 


1 
1: 


; 2 


3 


4 


5i 


i 6i 


7 


8 


9 
13 


10; 


"ii" 


'12' 


; 









■ 1435. 



t 1536. 



THOMAc] METHOD OF NUMBERING THE AHAUES. 55 

Be this as it may, there is nothing in Maya history or the calendar 
which makes it necessary that the grand cycle should commence with the 
Xlllth Ahau. As suggested by Perez and Dr. Valentini, this number of 
the series may have been selected as the one with which to begin their 
count because of some notable event in their history occurring in it. The 
serious objection to the plan of Table XXII is that it requires the Xlllth 
Ahau to begin with the last year of a grand cycle, which, I think, is suffi- 
cient to condemn it. 

Perez's statement bearing on this subject is as follows : 

"As the Indians considered the number 13 as the initial number, it is 
probable that some remarkable event had happened in that year, because, 
when the Spaniards arrived in the Peninsula, the Indians then counted the 
8th as the 1st, that being the date at which their ancestors came to settle 
there; and an Indian writer proposed that they should abandon that order 
also, and begin counting from the 11th, solely because the conquest had 
happened in that Ahau." (Cron. Antig., § IX, Valentini's Trans.) ^ 

I have already quoted ft'om Perez, as pertaining to the calendar, the 
statement in reference to what he believes to be another kind of cycle or 
method of computation. I called attention to the fact that the numbers 
given might be found by running up the columns of our table of years. I 
will now explain what I believe to have been the object and use of these 
numbers. 

"They had another number which they called Ua Katun, which served 
them as a key by which to adjust and find the Katunes, and following the 
order of their march, it falls on the two" days of Uayeh liaah and revolves 
to the end of certain years; Katunes 13, 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4." 

Perez qu'otes this, as he states, in the exact words of his authority 
(unfortunately not given). As Bancroft's translation omits the "two" be- 
fore "days," I have given here a translation of the original as found in 
Perez's Cronologie Antigua.'' 

'As neither Valentini's nor Brasseurs' translation is literal, I will give the original: 

" Es probable que principio en el numero 13 por haber acontecido en el alguu suceso notable pues 

despues se contabau por el 8; y acabada la conquista de esta peninsula propuso un escritor indio comen- 

zasen H coutar en lo sueesivo cstas 6poca8 por el 11 Ahau por quo en el so veriflccS aquella." 

^ ''Not the "second day of the Uayeb haah" as Perez seems, as appears from his comment, to have 

understood the expression. It is strange that ho should have so perversely misinterpreted his own 

manuscripts. 



56 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 



We see by reference to the annexed table of years (XXIII), which 
contains exactly one cycle, that by commencing at the bottom of the right- 
hand or Ix column and running up, we find the numbers given in the quo- 
tation and ill, precisely the same order. As these figures mark the terminal 
Table XXIII. years of the lustres it is evident that the authority quoted 
applied the name "Katun" to these periods, and that this 
word is not used here as an equivalent of "Ahau." 

If the series began with Cauac, as shown by this 
table, these numbers would then denote Ix years; but 
if it commenced with Kan they would then be Cauac 
years. In either case it is evident that by remembering 
these numbers and their order it would be an easy matter 
to locate or give the number of any year in the cycle, 
and in the grand cycle also, if they had any method of 
numbering the cycles. But I am unable to see how 
this could be of much service in counting the Aliaues, 
and am therefore inclined to believe that this method of 
counting back was chiefly in vogue among the common 
people, they being unable to fully understand and use 
the complicated calendar of the priests. Although Landa, 
when speaking of the facility with which they counted 
back the years, evidently alludes to the Ahaues, yet it is quite probable the 
old Indian who traced back their history for three hundred years did so by 
the use of this key, unless he was a priest. 

It is difficult to understand what is meant by the expression "they fall 
on the tivo days of TJayeh haab" [intercalated days]. 

In the four plates of the Dresden Codex heretofore mentioned (25-28), 
which certainly refer to the feasts of the intercalated days, we notice that 
the left-hand column of each contains the characters of but two days — the 
25th the days Eb and Ben, the last two of the intercalated days of the 
Muluc years; the 26th, Caban and Ezanab, the last two of the Ix years, 
and so on. 

Although these, as here noted, may not have any reference to this 



1 . 
o 




o 

1 


^ 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 



TuoMAs.] METHOD OF NUMBEEING THE AHAUES. 57 

method of counting, their use in this manner shows that they were consid- 
ered important. 

If the lustres ended with an Ix year, as I have assumed, Ezanab would 
be the last of the intercalated days. Now as will be seen by carefully 
examining the calendar for one year as given in Table II, page 8, the num- 
ber of the last intercalated day will always be the same as the first day of 
the year. Having thus determined the name and number of the year, and 
remembering the series as given in the quotation, it was an easy matter to 
count back to any desired year. Let me illustrate this: Suppose that at 
the close of an annual feast of Uayeb liaab which has ended on Ezanab, an 
Indian was desirous of determining what year of the cycle had just termi- 
nated. Knowing the day to be 1 Ezanab, he knows by this that the year 
was 1 Ix; remembering the numbers of the key, he commences his count 
with 1, and running back thus: 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4, ascertains that 
the year is the 40th of the cycle (10x4). 

A little careful study of this subject will sufl&ce to convince any one at 
all acquainted with this calendar that by simply knowing the number and 
name of the last intercalated day of any year will be sufficient to enable 
him to determine what year of the cycle it is If he forgets the key he can 
easily find it by the continued subtraction of 4, commencing with 1 3, adding 
13 when the number to be subtracted from is 4 or less than 4. The only thing 
necessary to be remembered is that the years Cauac, Kan, Muluc, Ix ter- 
minate, respectively, with the days Akbal, Lamat, Ben, and Ezanab. 

Suppose the last day of a certain year to be 9 Lamat, this gives 9 Kan 
as the year; the next year would be 10 Muluc, the next 11 Ix, the last of 
the lustre. If we remember the key, we count back the following num- 
bers or lustres: 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4, showing that 11 Ix would be the 24th 
year of the cycle and 9 Kan the 22d. These calculations are based upon 
the supposition that Cauac was the first year of the cycle, but the same 
rule will apply with Kan or any other as the first of the series. 

I think it probable that this will furnish an explanation of the phrase 
"they fall in the two days of Uayeb haab and return to the end of certain 
years." The ma,nuscript from which this statement was taken by Perez was 
evidently written by one not thoroughly familiar with the system. 



58 A STUDY OF THE MANUSOEIPT TROANO. 

On the title-page and on Plates ZX-XXIII (see Plates I-IV) are cer- 
tain red semicircular or crescent-shaped figures Uke this yn^j, which we 



have good reasons for believing served as characters to denote one of the 
Maya periods, either the Ahau, Cycle, Indication, or part of the grand cycle. 
This is the proper place to discuss their signification ; but as this can be done 
more satisfactorily after we have learned what we can in reference to the 
figures given on these plates and the subjects to which they relate, I will 
now proceed to give such interpretations of the figures and characters on 
them as I believe are waranted by the discoveries I have made. 



CHAPTER III. 

EXPLANATION OF FIGURES AND CHARACTERS ON PLATES 
XX-XXIII OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO AND 25-28 OF 
THE DRESDEN CODEX. 

As heretofore stated, the figures that occupy the spaces on Plates XX- 
XXIII"^ appear to relate, in part at least, to the close and commencement of 
the more important periods of time. I have already given my reasons for 
believing that the blue figure in the upper compartment of Plate XXIII 
represents an Ahau, and that the piercing of the eye with the dagger sig- 
nifies that the last year of the period has arrived and is about to close. 

Referring to Landa's Belacion de Cosas §§ XXXV-XXXVIII, I find the 
following account of the religious festivals which occurred during the inter- 
calated or closing days of the old and the commencement of the new year, 
each of the four years, Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac, having its own peculiar 
ceremonies. 

As this is really the key to the explanation of the figures on the four 
plates mentioned, I quote his statement in full, translated from Brasseur's 
French, giving the original Spanish in Appendix No. L 

"XXXV. — Fetes of supplemental days — Sacrifices of the commencement of the 

new year of the sign Kan. 

"It was the custom in all the cities of Yucatan that there should be at 
each of the four entrances of the place — that is to say, the east, west, north, 
and south — two heaps of stone facing each other, intended for the celebra- 
tion of two feasts of unlucky days. These feasts took place in the following 
manner: 

' The reader is reminded again that Plates XX-XXIII of the Manuscript are the same as our 
Plates I-IV, a fact which will not bo repeated hereafter in the text. 

59 



60 A STUDY OF THE MANUSGEIPT TROANO. 

"The year of which the dominical letter was Kan the omen was Hobnil, 
and, according to the belief of the Yucatecs, they both reigned in the i-egion 
of the south. This year, therefore, they fabricated a hollow image or figure 
of baked earth, of the idol which they called Kan-u-Uayeyah, and carried 
it to the heap of dry stones which was on the south side. They elected a 
chief from the citizens, at whose house they celebrated the feasts of these 
days. At this ceremony they made also the statue of another god, named 
Bolon-Zacah, which they placed in the house of the chief elect, in a spot 
where every one could approach. 

"This done, the nobles, the priest, and the citizens assembled together. 
They returned, by a road swept and ornamented with arches and foliage, to 
the two piles of stone, where they found the statue, around which they 
gathered with much devotion. The priest then perfumed it with forty- 
nine grains of bruised maize mixed with incense. The nobles placed their 
incense together in the censer of the idol and perfumed it in their turn. 
The maize mixed with the priest's incense is called zacah, and that which 
the nobles present is called chalialte. Having incensed the image, they cut 
off the head of a fowl and presented to it. 

"When this was finished they placed the statue on a litter called 
Kanfe, and on its shoulders an 'angel' as an omen of water and the good 
year which they should have. As to these 'angels,' they were frightful in 
appearance. 

"Then they carried the statue, dancing with much gaiety, to the house 
of the chief, where he found the other statue of Bolon-Zacah. While they 
were on the way one of them cari'ied to the nobles and the priest a drink 
composed of four hundred and twenty-five grains of burnt maize, which 
they called Picula-Kakla, and all partook of it at the same time. Arrived 
at the chiefs house, they placed the image which they carried, face to face 
with the statue which was already there, and made many offerings of drinks 
and viands, of meat and fish. These offerings were afterwards divided among 
the strangers who were present, and they gave the priest only a leg of 
venison. 

"Others drew blood from themselves by scarifying their ears, and 
anointed with it a stone which they had as an idol, called Kanal-Acantun. 



THOMAS] FESTIVALS AT THE COMMENCEMENT OP THE KAN YEAllS. 61 

They modeled a heart from the dough of their bread, and in the same way 
another loaf, of gourd seeds, which they presented to the idol Kan-u-Uay- 
eyab. It was thus that they guarded this statue and the otlaer during the 
unfovorable days, perfuming them with their incense and with incense mixed 
with grains of bruised maize. They believed that if they neglected these 
ceremonies they would be subject to the calamities which were the result of 
this year. The unlucky daj^s having passed, they carried the statue of the 
god Bolon-Zacab to the temple, and the image of the other to the eastern 
entrance of the city, in order to have it for the next year. They left it 
there, and returning home each one occupied himself with preparations for 
the celebration of the new year. 

"As soon as the ceremonies were terminated and the evil spirit dis- 
pelled, according to their mistaken idea, they believed this year to be fortu- 
nate, because with the sign Kan reigns the Bacab-JSobnil, who, as they say, 
has not sinned as his brothers, and for this reason no calamity befell them 
in.that year. But as it frequently happened that this occurred notwithstand- 
ing, the demon was conciliated by establishing these ceremonies, so that in 
case of misfortune they attributed the fault to their ceremonies and to those 
who served in them, so that they remained always in error and blindness. 

"At his instigation, then, they fabricated an idol called Yzamna-Cauil, 
which they placed in his temple, and burnt before it in the court three pellets 
of milk,^ or resin, which they called Jdk; they sacrificed to it either a dog 
or a man, which was done with the ceremony spoken of in chapter one 
hundred on the subject of victims. There was, however, some difference 
in the manner of offering this sacrifice; they put in the court of the temple 
a large heap of stones, and the man or animal who was to be sacrificed was 
fastened to a sort of elevated scaffold, from whence they hurled liim onto 
the heap of stones; the officers immediately seized him and tore out his 
heart, which they carried to the new idol, offering it to him between two 
plates. They made still other offerings of comestibles. At this feast the 
old women, selected for this occasion, danced, clothed in peculiar garments. 
They believed that an angel descended then and received the sacrifice. 

'By the term "milk," as here used, is meant the milky juice of some plant. 



62 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO. 

" XXXVI. — Sacrifices of the new year at the sign of Muluc — Dancing on the 
stilts — Dance of the old women with the dogs of baked earth. 

"The year of which the dominical letter was Muluc had for the omen 
Canzienal. When the time arrived, the nobles and the priest elected the chief 
who should celebrate the feast. This done, they modeled, as in the pre- 
ceding year, the image of the idol called Chac-u-Uayeyab, and carried it to 
the heap of stones at the eastern side, v/here they had left it the year before. 
They made a statue of the god called Kinch-Ahau, which they placed in a 
suitable spot in the house of the chief; then, from there, setting out by a 
road neatly swept and ornamented, they returned together with their accus- 
tomed devotion to the statue of Chac-u-Uayeyah. 

"Having arrived here, the priest perfumed it with his incense and forty- 
three grains of bruised corn, which they called zacah; he gave to the nobles 
the incense called chahalte to put in the censer, after which they cut off the 
head of a. fowl, as formerly. They raised up the statue on a litter called 
Chacte and cai-ried it with devotion, while the crowd executed around it cei"- 
tain war dances called Hokan-Okot, Batel-Okot. They carried at the same 
time, to the leaders and the principal citizens, their drink composed of three 
hundred and twenty-four grains of burnt corn, as before. 

"Arrived at the house of the chief they placed the statue facing that 
of Kinch-Ahau^ and presented to it the customary offerings, which they 
divided afterwards as at the last time. They offei-ed to him bread made in 
the form of the yolk of an egg, and others like the hearts of deer, and another 
composed with diluted spice. There were, as ordinarily, good men who drew 
blood from themselves by piercing their ears and anointing with it the stone 
of the idol named Chacan-Cantun} 

"Here they took small boys and forcibly pierced their ears, making 
incisions on them with knives. They guarded this statue until the end of 
the evil days; meanwhile they burned before it their incense. 

"When these days were passed they carried it to the north side, where 
they were to receive it the next year, and deposited the other in his temple, 
after which they returned home to prepare for the ceremonies of the new 
year They believed that if they neglected to celebrate the aforesaid cere- 
monies they would be exposed to great evils of the eyes. 

' Doubtless inteuded for Chac-Acantun. 



THOMAS] FESTIVALS AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE IX YEARS. 63 

"This year, of which the dominical lettei* was Muhic and in which 
reigned Bacab-Canzienal, they regarded as fortunate; for they said that this 
was the greatest and best of the gods Bacab; also they made him the first 
in their prayers. With all this, however, the demon inspired them to fabri- 
cate an idol named Yax-Coc-Ahmut, which they placed in the temple, after 
having taken away the old statues; they set up in the court which is towards 
the temple a heap of stones, on which they burnt the incense with a pellet 
of resin or milk (kik), invoking the idol and asking of him deliverance from 
the misfortunes of the present year. These calamities were the scarcity of 
water, the abundance of shoots in the maize, and other things of the same 
kind. As a remedy for these evils the demon commanded them to offer up 
squirrels and a cover of cloth without embroidery, woven by the old women, 
whose office it was to dance in the temple in order to praise the god Yax- 
Coc-Ahmtit. 

"They threatened them still more with a crowd of other misfortunes 
and evil signs relative to this year, although it was considered fortunate, if 
they did not accomplish the duties which the demon imposed on them ; one 
among others was a feast with a dance, which they executed mounted on very 
high stilts, and a sacrifice which they ofi'ered of the heads of turkeys, of 
bread, and of drinks of maize. It was also imposed on them to present 
images of dogs in baked earth, carrying bread on the back. The old women 
were obliged to dance with these images in their hands, and to sacrifice to 
the god a small dog with black spots, and which was still virgin. Those 
who were the most devoted to tliis ceremony were to draw blood from the 
animal and to anoint with it the stone of the god CJiac-Acantum. These 
rites and this sacrifice seemed to be very pleasing to the god Yax-Coc- 
Ahmut." 

"XXXVII. — Sacrifices of the new year at the sign of Yx — Sinister prognostics ; 

how they prevented those results. 

"The year of which the dominical letter was Yx and the omen Zac- 
Ciui, the election of the chief who celebrated the feast being finished, they 
formed the image of the god called Zac-u-Uayeyah and carried it to the 
piles of stone where they had left the other, the year before. They mod- 



64 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

eled a statue of the god Ymmna and placed it in the house of the chief, 
after which, by a road ornamented according to the custom, they returned 
devoutly to the image of Zac-ii-Uayeyab. On their arrival, they perfumed 
it with incense as they had done before, and there cut ofiP the head of a 
fowl. The image having been afterwards placed on a litter called Zachia, 
they carried it devoutly, accompanying it with dances called AlcaUan-Kam- 
Ahau. They carried their visual drink on the way, and arriving at the house 
the image was placed in order before that of Ysamna and they made their 
oiferings, to divide them afterwards; before the statue of Zac-u-Uayeyah 
they presented the head of a turkey, patties of quails, different drinks, etc. 

"As formerly, there were among the spectators some who drew blood 
from themselves, with which they rubbed the stone of the god Zac-Acantun. 
In this manner they guarded the idols dui'ing the days preceding the new 
year, and incensed them according to their custom until the last day; then 
they carried Yzamna to the temple and Zac-u- Uayeyab to the west of the 
city, leaving it there until the following year. 

"The misfortunes to which they were exposed this year, if they hap- 
pened to neglect these different ceremonies, were fainting fits, swoons, and 
diseases of the eye. They considered it as a year unfortunate as to bread, 
but abundant in cotton. It was this which they signalized with the char- 
acter Yx, and in which the Bacab Zac-Ciui reigned, who foretold nothing 
very good; according to their belief, the year must bring calamities of all 
sorts, a great want of water, days when the sun would shine with excessive 
heat which would dry up the fields of maize; the consequence would be 
famine; from famine arose robberies and from robberies slavery for those 
who rendered themselves guilty. All this would naturally be the source of 
discord and internal wars among the citizens and among the towns. They 
believed that in the year marked by this sign there also generally happened 
changes among the princes or the priests, in consequence of the wars and 
dissensions. 

"Another omen which they also held, was that some of those who 
sought to gain authority would not arrive at their end. This j^ear was 
also sometimes signalized by an irruption of locusts, the consequ.ence of 
which would be famine and the depopulation of a large number of locali- 



THOMAS ] FESTIVALS AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE CAUAC TEARS. 65 

ties. In order to remedy these calamities, which they feared entirel)^ or in 
part, they made, at the instigation of the demon, the statue of an idol named 
Kinch-Ahau-Yzanma ; they placed it in the temple, where they offered to it 
all kinds of incense and oblations, drawing their blood and sprinkling with it 
the stone of the god Zac-Acantun. They executed different dances, the old 
women dancing as usual; at this feast they formed anew a small oratory 
to the demon; they assembled there to offer sacrifice to him and to give 
him presents, and finished with a solemn orgie, where every one became 
intoxicated, for this feast was general and obligatory. There were also some 
fanatics who, of their own accord, and through devotion, made another idol, 
like that which is mentioned above, which they carried into other temples, 
making it offerings and intoxicating themselves in its honor. They regarded 
these orgies and sacrifices as very agreeable to their idols and as preserva- 
tives capable of preventing the misfortunes with which they believed them- 
selves threatened." 

"XXXVIII. — Sacrifices of the new year at the sign of Cauac — Evil prognos- 
tics prevented by the fire dance. 

"This year, of which the dominical letter was Cauac and the omen 
Hozanek, after they had elected a chief of the ceremonies, they formed, in 
order to celebrate it, the image of the god Eh-u- Uayeyab ; they carried it to 
the piles of stone at the west entrance, where they had left the image of 
the year befoi'e. They made at the same time the statue of the god called 
Uac-Mitun-Ahau, which they placed, as usual, in the most convenient spot in 
the chief's house. From there they went together to the place where they 
found the image of Ek-u- Uayeyab, having taken care previously to orna- 
ment the road; arriving there, the nobles and priests incensed this image, 
after their custom, and cut off the head of a fowl. When this was finished, 
thej' took the statue on a litter called Yaxek and placed on its shoulders a 
gourd with a dead man and, besides, the ashes of a bird which they called 
Kuch, as a sign of great mortality ; for this year was considered very unfor- 
tunate. 

"They afterwards carried it about in this manner, with devotion min- 
gled with sadness, executing several dances, among which there was one 

5 M T 



66 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO. 

like the crottees, which they called Xibalba-Okot, which signified dance of 
the demons. In this interval the cup-bearer arrived with the drink for the 
nobles, which they drank in the place where the statue of Uac-Mitim-Alian 
stood vis-a-vis with the image of which they had the care. Immediately 
they commenced the oblations, the perfuming, and their praj^ers; a great 
number drew blood from different parts of their bodies and anointed with 
it the stone idol called JEkel-Acantun. Thus passed the unfortunate days, 
after which they carried Uac-Mitun Aliau to the temple and Eh-u-Uayeyah 
to the south entrance, where they left it until the following year. 

"This year, signalized by the character Cauac, and in which the Bacab- 
Hozanek rules, besides the plague with which it was threatened, was par- 
ticularly regarded as fatal; they said that the extreme heat of the suu 
destroyed the fields of maize, without considering the multiplication of 
ants and birds that devoured the remainder of the seed; however, they 
added, these calamities need not be entirely general, there were some 
places whei'e subsistence could be obtained, although with great difficulty. 
To prevent these calamities they made, at the instigation of the demon, 
four idols, named CJdchac-CJioh, JEkhalam-Chac, Alican-Uolcab, and Ahbuluc- 
Balam ; after having placed these together in the temple, where they per- 
fumed them as usual, they presented to them two pellets of resin named 
kik, to be burned, also iguanas, bread, and a miter, with a bouquet of flowers 
and a stone which they considered of great value. Besides, they raised, for 
the celebration of this feast, a large arch of wood in the court, filling it with 
wood above and on the sides in order to burn, leaving in it, however, 
gateways for entering in and going out. Then, the greater part of the 
men took each one a bundle of long dry sticks and, while a musician 
mounted on the top of the funeral pile sang and beat the tambour, all 
danced with much order and devotion, entering in and going out, one after 
the other, under the arch. They continued to dance in this manner until 
evening, when, leaving their bundles of sticks, they went home to rest and 
refresh themselves. 

"When night fell they returned, accompanied by a great crowd; for 
this ceremony was regarded with great respect among them. Each one 
taking then his bundle, lighted it and put the fire on the funeral pile, which 



U S G, AND G. SURVEY 



MANUSCRIPT TROANO PL. 







T. Sindaic 3. Sim,Litli- 



FAG-SIMILE OF PLATE XX OF THE CODEX TROANO 



THOMAS] EXPLANATION OF FIGURES IN THE PLATES. 67 

immediately cauglit fire and burned rapidly. As soon as there was only 
one brand left burning they announced it to the throng, and those who had 
danced before assembled together and attempted to cross it, some passing 
over without injury and some being slightly or seriously burned, imagining 
that thus they prevented the plague and the anger of the gods, and to 
avert the evil omens of the year, in the belief that nothing could be more 
conciliating to their gods than this kind of sacrifice. 

"This finished, they returned home to drink and intoxicate themselves; 
for this was required by the custom of the feast and the heat of the fire." 

If we turn now to Plates 25, 26, 27, and 28 of the Dresden Codex and 
study them carefully, I think we shall find enough there to warrant us in 
deciding that they are intended to represent these four festivals. 

In the first place, it is apparent that these four plates, which are copied 
on our Plates V, VI, VII, VIII, all relate to the same subject, and that they 
are quite different from those which precede or follow them. 

In the second place, the left-hand day-column of each plate contains 
but two days, and in each case these are the last two of the intercalated 
days; those on Plate 25 (PL V) being Eb and Ben, the last two days of the 
Muluc years; on Plate 26 (PI. VI), Caban and Ezanab, the last two of the 
Ix years; on Plate 27 (PI. VII), Ik and Akbal, the last two of the Cauac 
years; and those on Plate 28 (PI. VIII), Manik and Lamat, the last two of 
the Kan years. A fact worthy of note in this connection is that each of 
these days is repeated thirteen times, the exact number of each of these 
years in a cycle. 

In the third place, we see in the lowest compartment of each plate 
the priest holding in his hand a headless fowl; agreeing exactly with 
Landa's words, " degoUavan una gallina y se la presentavan o offrecian" ; "they 
beheaded a fowl and presented it as an offering." 

In the upper division of each we see the chosen assistant with the 
head and tail of the Chac, bearing on his back the newly-formed image on 
his march to the heap of stones at the border of the village, or to the house 
of the selected chief. 

In the middle division we see the priest burning incense, in order, as 
was their custom, to drive away the evil spirit; the sign or glyph " Ik" in 



68 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCEIPT TROANO. 

the midst of the flame renders almost certain the correctness of this inter- 
pretation. 

This agreement in so many particulars between these plates and Landa's 
statements is certainly sufficient to warrant us in assuming that the two refer 
to the same things; that is, to the festivals held during the TJayeyah Imah or 
closing days of the different years. 

Before attempting to show the relation these plates of the Dresden 
Codex bear to those of the Manuscript Troano, it will be necessary for me 
to ask the reader to examine them carefully as I enter into more particular 
details. 

It is apparent from Landa's language that the festival of the last days 
of one year was intended as a celebration of the new or incoming year; 
that is to say, the festival of the last days of the Kan year was intended as 
a celebration of the incoming Muluc year, and, in fact, did not close luitil 
the first or second day of the latter. This being the case, we presume that 
the plate containing the last two days of the Kan year, for example, repre- 
sents the commencement of the Muluc year, and that some, at least, of the 
figures and characters shown on it refer to that year. Following up this 
idea, I conclude that Plate 25, on which the days are Eb and Ben, the last 
days of the Muluc year, refers to the commencement of, and may properl}^ 
be called the plate of the Ix years; that Plate 26 refers to the beginning of 
the Cauac years, Plate 27 to the Kan 3'ears, and Plate 28 to the Muluc 
vears. 

Taking for granted that this conclusion is correct — which I think few 
if any will doubt — let us see what further can be deduced from it. 

Landa, CoguUudo, and Perez tell us that each of the four dominical 
days was referred by the Indians to one of the four cardinal points. As the 
statements of these three authorities appear at first siglit to conflict with 
each other, let us see if we can bring them into harmony without resorting 
to a violent construction of the language used. Perez's statement is clear 
and distinct, and as it was made by one thoroughly conversant with the 
■ manners and customs of the natives, and also with all the older authorities, 
it is doubtless correct. 

He says, "the Indians made a little wheel in which they placed the initial 



TuoMis.) ASSIGNMENT OF YEARS TO THE CAEDINAL POINTS. 69 

days of the year. Kan at the east, Muliic at the north, Gix oi- Hix at the 
west, and Gauac at the south, to be counted in the same order."^ 

The statement of Cogulludo, which agrees substantially with this, is as 
follows: " They fixed the first year at the east, to which they gave the name 
Cuch-haah; the second at the tvest, and called it Hiix; the third at iho, south, 
named Cauac, and the fourth, Muluc, at the north." 

Turning now to Landa's work (Relac. des Cosas, §§ XXXIV), we are 
somewhat surprised to find the following language: "The first of these 
dominical letters is Kan. The year having this character was the first, and 
had for its sign the Bacab, the other names of which were Hobnil, Kanal- 
Bacah, Kan-pauah-tun, Kan-xib-chac. They placed this on the south side. 
The second letter is Muluc, which is placed on the eastern side, and this year 
has for its vsign the Bacab, which is called Canzienal, Chacal-Bacab, Chac- 
pauah-tun, Chac-xib-chac. The third of these letters is Yx. The sign during 
this year was the Bacab named Zac-zini, Zacal-Bacab, Zac-pauah-twn, Zac-xib- 
chac, and it signified the northern side. The fourth letter is Cauac ; the sign 
of this year is the Bacab called Hozan-ek, Ekel-Bacab, Ek-pauah-tun, JEk- 
xib-chac, which is assigned to the western side."^ 

This, as we see, places Kan at the south, Muluc at the east, Ix at the 
north, and Cauac at the west, conflicting directly with the statements made 
by Cogulludo and Perez. If we turn now to the descriptions of the four 
feasts as given by Landa, and heretofore quoted, I think we shall find an 
explanation of this difference. From his account of the feast at the com- 
mencement of the Kan year (the intercalated days of the Cauac year), we 
learn that first they made an idol called Kan-ii-uayeyah, which they bore to 
the heap of stones on the south side of the village; next they made a statue 
of the god Bolon-Zacab, which they placed in the house of the elected chief, 

• "Estos iudios pintavan una rueda pequefia, eii la cual poniau los cuatro geroglificos de los dias 
con qne principiava el auo, Kan ,il oriente, Muhw al iiorte, Hix al iKmicute, y Cavac al snr, para que se 
contasen en cl mismo ordeu." (Crouologia Autigna, § VXI.) 

'- "La primera pues de las letras dominicales es Kan. El ano que esta letra servia era el aguero 
del Bacah que por otros nombresUamau JJohnil, Kanal Bacab, Kan-pauali-tim, Kan-xib-chac. A estesena- 
lavau a la parte de medio dia. La scgunda letra es Muluc .seualavanle al oriente, su ano era aguero el 
Bacab que llaniau Canzienal, Chacal Bacab, Cliac-pauah-iun, Cliac-xib-cliac. La tercera letra es Yx. Su auo 
era aguero el Bacab quo Hainan Zaczini-zacal-Bacah, Zac-pauahUm, Zac-xihchac, seualavaule ala parte del 
norte. La quatra letra as Cauac; su ano era aguero el Bacab que llamau Hozancl-, L'kcl-Bucab, Ek-jyauah- 
tun, Ek-xib-chac; a este seualavau a la parte del poniente." 



70 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 

or chief chosen for the occasion. This done, they returned to the idol on 
the southern stone heap, where certain rehgious ceremonies were performed, 
after which they returned with the idol to the house, where they placed it 
vis-a-vis with the other — -just as we see in the lower division of Plates XX- 
XXIII of the Manuscript Troano. Here they kept constant vigil until the 
unlucky days ( Uayeb-haah) had expired and the new Kan year appeared ; 
then they took the statue of Bolon-Zacab to the temple and the other idol 
to the heap of stones at the east side of the village, where it was to remain 
during the year, doubtless intended as a constant reminder to the common 
people of what year was passing. 

Similar transfers were made at the commencement of the other years; 
at that of Muluc, first to the east, then to the house, and then to its final 
resting place on the north side; of Ix, first to the north, then to the west;^ 
of Cauac, first to the west, then to the south. 

This movement agrees precisely with the order given by Perez; and 
the final resting places of the idols for the year being the cardinal points of 
the dominical da5^s where he fixes them; that is, Kan at the east; Muluc at 
the north; Ix at the west, and Cauac at the south. 

There is therefore no real disagreement between the authorities on this 
point. 

If we turn now to Plate VI of the Manuscript Troano we find these 
four characters in the spaces of the upper and middle divisions. No. 3 







No. 1. No. 2. No. 3. No. 4. 

Fig. 8. 

is in the upper left-hand corner; No. 2 in the lower left-hand corner; No. 
1 in the lower right-hand corner, and No. 4 in the upper right-hand cor- 
ner. We find the same characters placed in the same order in the upper 
and middle divisions of Plate VII and the upper division of Plate VII*. 
They are also found in the corners of the spaces of Plates XVIII*, XXVI, 
XXIX*, XXX*, XXXI*, and XXXIP, but not always in the same order. 

' Brasseur makes a mistake in his trauslation, giving east instead of west. 



U S G AND G SURVEY 



MANUSCRIPT TROANO PL II, 




rSmdmS; Sim.Litli. 



FAC-SIMILE OF PLATE XXi OF THE CODEX I ROAN O 



THOMAS] CHARACTERS FOR THE CARDINAL POINTS. 71 

Turning to the "title page" of the same manuscript, we find that these are 
the first four characters in the second transverse line. 

The position of the characters on the plates mentioned led me, at an 
early stage of my investigations, to believe they were intended to denote the 
four cardinal points; but the fact that the order was not always the same, 
and the apparent impossibility of finding words in the Maya lexicon agree- 
ing with Landa's letter characters and at the same time denoting the cardi- 
nal points, induced me for a time to doubt the correctness of this theory ; 
but the discovery of the signification of these four plates of the Dresden 
Codex induces me now to believe that this first impression was correct. It is 
possible these characters have also some other signification, but that they 
are intended to designate the cardinal points I can no longer doubt. 

In the last or lowest transverse line of characters on Plate 27 of the 
Dresden Codex (our Plate VII) — the one relating to the close of the Cauac 
and commencement of the Kan years — we find the character No. 1 (Fig. 8) 
in close proximity with another character, which I will presently show signi- 
fies "stone" or a "heap of stones." If this indicates a cardinal point it must 
be south or east; if it refers to the place to which the idol was first taken it 
would then signify south, if to its last resting place it would then signify 
east. In the corresponding line of Plate 28 (our Plate VIII) we find char- 
acter No. 2; in that of 25 (our Plate V), character No. 3; in that of 2G (our 
Plate VI), character No. 4. If we suppose these characters to indicate the 
final resting places of the idols then character No. 1 would signify east, 2 
north, 3 west, and 4 south; but if the first resting place, then character No. 
1 would signif}'- south, No. 2 east, No. 3 north, and No. 4 west. That Nos. 
1 and' 3 relate to the places of the rising and setting of the sun, I think is 
evident from the following facts: 

First. That these are the only two out of the four characters which 
have anything similar in them. 

Second. The lower half of each is precisely like the lower half of 
Landa'^ symbol for the month Yaxkin, from which we may infer that it 
signifies kin, "sun." This also agrees with the fact that the Maya words 
for east and west {lihin, chikin) both end with "kin," which signifies sun 
or day. Although Landa gives this figure without the wing as the character 



72 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

for the letter "T," I think there can be no doubt that when combined with 
the side wing it signifies "sun" or "day," both words being the same in the 
Maya language. I find that Brasseur and Dr. Valentin!^ reached the same 
conclusion respecting this character, which bears some resemblance to the 




Mexican symbol for day! ^r 1, and a still closer resemblance to that for 
year, h \\ I I am satisfied, therefore, that these two characters refer to 



the east and the west, and hence that the only point left for us to decide is, 
which appertains to the east and which to the west. This I think may be 
determined from the plates of the Dresden Codex. If No. 1 on Plate 27 
must there be either south or east, and our reasoning showing that it could 
not be either south or north be correct, it follows that it must signify east, 
the direction assigned to the Kan year, and that here it refers to the final 
resting place of the idol Kan-u- Uayeyah. 

If I am so far correct then character No. 1 (Fig. 8) signifies east, No. 
2 north, No. 3 west, and No. 4 south. 

If we turn now to Plates 46, 47, 48, 49, and 50 of this Codex we find 
on each, two square groups or masses of characters consisting of either five 
or six transverse lines and four columns. One transverse line of each group 
is composed of these four characters, which, as I believe, are here used to 
indicate the cardinal points. Assuming my interpretation- of them to be 
correct, it will be necessary to read these lines from right to left to obtain 
the order given by Perez; for example the lines on these plates read, as 
the characters stand, thus: 

First group, Plate 46. — North, east, south, west. 

Second group, Plate 46. — West, north, east, south. 

First group, Plate 47. — North, east, south, west. 

Second group, Plate 47. — West, north, east, south. 

First group, Plate 48. — North, east, south, west. 

Second group, Plate 48. — West, north, east, south. 

And the same on Plates 49 and 50. Reading these from the right to 
the left we have the order given by Perez, but the initial days will be as 

' Also Rosny. 



THOMAS.) ASSIGNMENT OF DAYS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. 73 

follows: for the groups marked "first," Ix, and for those marked "second," 
Gauac, and the order in which they succeed each other, as follows: 

1st. Ix, Cauac, Kan, Muluc. 

2d. Cauac, Kan, Muluc, Ix. 

The first agrees exactly with the order of the days referred to by 
Plates 25-28 of this Codex, and the second precisely with Plates XX- 
XXIII of the Manuscript taken in reverse order to the paging. The first 
also agrees exactly with the order in which the first four characters in the 
second line of the title page of the Manuscript come, if read from left to 
right as the numbers above them indicate. If we turn to Plate XXXII* of 
the last-mentioned Manuscript^ we will see that the left-hand column of the 
upper division consists of the four dominical days placed in the following 
order, reading from the top downward: Ix, Cauac, Kan, Muluc, precisely in 
■ the order of the four plates of the Dresden Codex; we also find in the space 
of this division the characters which I have supposed mark the cardinal 
points, but placed as shown here. 




Landa, speaking of the ceremonies connected with the making of idols 
of wood, remarks (p. 308) that "they offered incense to the four gods 
called Acantunes, which they had placed at the four parts of the world" (the 
four cardinal points). But these were of stone, as we have alreadj^ learned 
from the extracts referring to the festivals of the supplemental days. 

In the lowest division of Plate XXV* there are four idols over which 
are these four charactei's; the first, or left-hand one, is the headless figure 
seen on Plate XXIII, the character over it that which denotes the west; 
the second the spotted dog seen on Plates XX and XXI, the character over 
it signifies the north; the third a monkey, possibly the same as seen in the 
lower division of Plate XXI, the character over it the east; the fourth a 
bird, the character over it the south. 

'Roman numerals refer to the plates of the Manuscript ; Arabics to those of the Codex. 



74 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 

There are other plates on which these characters appear to indicate 
the cardinal points, but what has been given is sufficient to show the evi- 
dence upon which I base my opinion as to the meaning of the characters. 
The presence of these on Plates 25-28 of the Codex, in the manner there 
given, is perhaps the surest guide as to the quarters to which they respect- 
ively belong; the fact they are so often found occupying the four corners 
of the spaces of the plates of the Manu.script is what leads us to suspect 
that they indicate the cardinal points. The chief, and, so far as I can see, 
the only objection to this interpretation is the occasional change of order 
in the spaces; but, as we have seen, this seldom, if ever, occurs where tliey 
are in a line. The chief doubt is as to the points assigned them. 

If my explanation is correct, then it is possible that the Maya words 
which they represent are as follows : 

No. 1 (Fig. 8), LiJiin, "east." No. 2, Xaman, "north." 

No. 3, CJiiJdn, "west." No. 4, Ma-yam, "the middle of the earth" 
(south), or NoJiol, "south." 

The inverted character for Ahau in No. 3, and that for Manik in No. 1, 
may raise an objection in the minds of some to this interpretation, but the 
reader must bear in mind that I do not yet insist that these characters are 
the symbols for the words above given. They may refer to priests, uten- 
sils, or other things connected with or used during religious ceremonies; 
for example. No. 3 may be the symbol for Alildn, "priest," No. 4, for Mayac, 
"table"; No. 2 for Am, the sacred stone used in casting the horoscope, &c., 
but at the same time these, by the relative positions they occupy during 
ceremonies, may serve to indicate the cardinal points, and hence the daj^s. 
This being the case, the characters, by long usage for this purpose, would 
ultimately become the symbols of this secondary signification. 

Referring again to Landa's account of the festivals, here- 
tofore quoted, we observe that one of the idols was finally 
placed on the heap of stones at the margin of the village In 
the lowest division of each of the plates — 25-28 of the Co- 
^"^" ^' dex — we see an idol resting on a character like this (Fig. 9); 
the idol on Plate 25, with a head somewhat similar to that of the Tlaloc 




U S G. AND G, SURVEY 



MANUSCRIPT TROANO PL, III. 



eA^^ji^ / 




FAG-SIMILE OF PLATE XXII OF THE CODEX TROANO 



THOMAS) EXPLANATION OP PIGUEES 75 

figures in the Manuscript; those on Plates 26, 27, and 28 apparently 
part of the trunk of a tree clothed, and around which a serpent is coiled. 
From this fact I infer that the character signifies a "stone" or "stone-heap." 
The same character is also found under the figures placed opposite each 
other in the lower divisions of Plates XX-XXIII of the Manuscript, the 
only exception being that under the left figure in the lower division of 
Plate XXII. I had, from a study of the character itself, come to the con- 
clusion, previous to the discovery of the signification of the four plates of 
the Codex, that it was the symbol for stone, especially for the stone used 
in marking the divisions between pei'iods of time. I was led to this con- 
clusion by a careful comparison of Landa's symbol for the month Pax with 
other similar characters in the Manuscript. If I am correct in this opinion, 
then the character probably represents one of the two Maya words Piz, sig- 
nifying "a stone serving to form the divisions in a Katun or cycle," or Pjnc, 
"stones placed one upon another, serving to count the intervals in the 
cycles." We find this character, as before remarked, in the lower trans- 
verse lines of the plates of the Codex, in close proximity to the symbols of 
the cardinal.points, which agrees very well with Landa's statement. 

In the third or lowest division of Plate 27 we see the figure of a fish 
on two Kans, which are in a vessel. This probably represents the "angel" 
placed on the "palo" or litter "as a sign of water;" though it is possible it 
simply denotes one of the offerings made to the idol before which it is 
placed. It is worthy of note that a similar figure is found in the second 
character of the fifth line of the title-page of the Manviscript ; but, in this 
case, it is in the column which has the symbol for "south" as its second 
character. As Plate 27 of the Codex relates to the close of a Cauac year, 
as well as to the commencement of a Kan year, the presence of this figure 
in these places agrees very well with the interpretation above given. 

Although we have by no means exhausted our explanation of the four 
plates of the Codex, we are now prepared to compare them with the four 
of the Manuscript, and will proceed to make the comparison, reserving 
what further interpretations we have to give of them to a subsequent part 
of our paper. 

There are four plates in each, relating to the four dominical days or 



76 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

year bearers, and the days used to designate the years are repeated thirteen 
times on each plate; in the Codex, the last two da3^s of the year are selected 
for this purpose ; in the Manuscript the first only, but even here we see the 
symbols of the Jterminal days in the transverse line between the two spaces. 

The idols in each are placed on the same character — that which I have 
interpreted as signifying the "stone" or "stone heap" used to mark the 
divisions of time. The serpent appears in three plates of each work, and is 
wanting in the fourth, the latter in both cases being that which relates chiefly 
to the Ix years. At the bottom of the lower division of Plate 28 (Codex) 
we see a figure resembling the leg of a deer bound by a double cord ; a 
similar figure appears at the upper left-hand corner of the lower division of 
Plate XX (Manuscript), our Plate I. I think it is evident t'Jiat Brasseur 
was right in interpreting this as the symbol of the Maya word liaii, "the 
quarter of a deer or other animal," from Landa's statement in his account of 
the festival of the Kan year — '■'■davan al sacerdote una pierna de venado," 
"they gave the priest a leg of venison." 

It is true that this figure is found, in the Codex, in the plate supposed 
to relate to the Muluc year, while in the Manuscript it is in that which 
applies to the Ix year, and that in Landa it is mentioned in connection with 
the ceremonies of the Kan year ; but this is not siifficient to destroy the 
value of these coincidences in our effort to interpret these plates. For, in 
the first place, there is no reason for supposing the Codex relates to the 
same time and place as the Manuscript ; in the second place, each of the 
plates in both works appears to refer, in part, to two years ; in the third" 
place, Landa's description is not sufficiently exact and minute to make the 
comparison full and complete. I may also add that, while the plates of the 
Codex appear to relate only to the ceremonies of the supplemental days, those 
of the Manuscript apparently refer to other festivals, esjjecially those held at 
the close and commencement of long periods of time. For example, what 
is symbolized by the two left-hand figures of the upper division of Plate 
XXII of the Manuscript appears to be represented in Plate 30 of the Codex. 

The Uayeyab idols of the two works are certainly diff'erent from each 
other, though I think it very doubtful whether the figures in either are true 
representatives of the images ; possibly those on the Codex plates are. 



THOMAS] EXPLANATION OF FIGURES ON THE FOUR PLATES. 77 

A careful comparison of the chief figure in the lowest division of Plate 
27 of the Coclex with the left-hand figure in the lower division of Plate 
XXIII of the Manuscript convinces me that the two are intended as sym- 
bols of the same idea or as representatives of the same person. That the 
former is essentially different from the corresponding figures on Plates 25, 
26, and 28 is apparent to any one who will take the trouble to compare 
them. The cape is here in front instead of on the back. The anklets and 
bracelets — which appear to be used as tokens of caste — are different from 
the others. There is also a wide variation in the head-dress, which, together 
with the exposed bone of the lower jaw, the docked nose, and lines of dots 
on the limbs, indicate that this priest is here representing Death or the god 
of Death. A cursory examination of other plates of both works where the 
same figures will be found is sufficient to satisfy any one of the correctness 
of this opinion. I refer the reader who may have the works at hand to 
Plates XXX, XXXIV, III*, XXII*, XXX*, XXXII* of the Manuscript, and 
also Plates 6, 11, 12, 18, 45, and 53 of the Codex. 

A somewhat similar figure is borne on the back of the Chac in the 
upper division of Plate 28 of the Codex, on which we see the same brace- 
lets, head-dress, exposed jaw-bone, and lines of dots. Landa states, as will 
be seen by reference to his account of the festivals of the intercalated days 
heretofore given, that at the commencement of the Cauac year they carried, 
among other things, a "dead man." According to the interpretation given, 
Plate 27 refers to the close of the Cauac and commencement of the Kan 
year, and 28 to the close of the Kan and commencement of the Muluc 
year, which would place this ceremony in the year following that given by 
Landa. 

Referring now to Plate XXIII of the Manuscript, which relates in part 
at least to the Cauac years, we see in the lower left-hand corner of the lower 
division a white figure Avith the same anklets and bracelets; and, although 
portly and apparently clothed with flesh, the ribs denoting death are plainly 
marked. A hand is stretched out as if to catch the skull, which is drop2")ing 
from the head-dress that arises out of the earthen vessel. 

I note the following additional items in which they correspond; in the 




78 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TROANO. 

canopies, or whatsoever they may be, behind the sitting priests in the mid- 
dle divisions of the four plates of the Codex we observe this figure 

a St. Andrew's cross, surrounded by the usual circle — those on Plates 26 
and 28 with the cross white on a black ground. Precisely the same figures 
are found on three of the plates of the Manuscrij^t, those on XX and XXIII 
with black ground and white cross. 

In the lowest transvei'se line of characters of each of the four plates 
of the Codex, we find, as heretofore remarked, a symbol of one of the 
cardinal points. The same thing is true of the plates of the Manuscript, as 
will be seen by examining the lowest transverse line above the upper space. 

The head of the Ara is seen on Plate 28 of the Codex in the same 
space (lowest division) as the bound "leg of venison." The two are in the 
Manuscript (Plate XX, lower division), but here the whole bird is figured. 

In the upper division of Plate XX we notice issuing from the mouth 
of the dog two lines of dots each terminating in a little circle or circular 
dot. In the lower division of Plate 25 of the Codex we see two similar 
dotted lines arising from the severed neck of the bird. In both works these 
peculiar lines are on the Ix plates only. 

Such are the chief resemblances between the plates of the two works. 
Some, it is true, are those of common occurrence, and taken alone would 
not be sufficient evidence to indicate that the plates relate to the same sub- 
ject; but when we take all the resemblances into consideration, especially 
the more important ones mentioned, I think there can be but little doubt 
left upon tlie mind of any one that these four ^jlates of the two works, in 
great part, at least, relate to the same subject — the festivals described by 
Landa as occurring- at the close of the years. To which year or years a 
given plate refers I admit is a point in regard to which there is yet some 
uncertainty. This necessarily leaves us in some doubt respecting the proper 
assignment of the cardinal or direction symbols; but this fact does not 
affect the general correctness of my conclusions as to the subject-matter of 
these plates and the meaning of the figures and chai-acters. 

Leaving the further consideration of the plates of the Codex to a future 
page, I will now call attention to other figures and characters on the four 



U S-G. AND G. SURVEY 



MANUSCRIPT TROANO PL. IV. 







X Sinclair A Son.LiUi. 

FAC-SIMILE OF PLATE XXIII OF THE CODEX TROANO 



THOMAe.i EXPLANATION OF FIGURES ON THE FOUR PLATES. 79 

plates of the Manuscript and give the signification of them so far as I have 
been able to make this out. I will stai't with the assumption that the con- 
clusion drawn from the comparison just made — that they relate in part at 
least to the festivals of the supplemental days — is correct; and as affording 
additional evidence, I first call attention to the following facts: Landa, in his 
account of the ceremonies relating to the Muluc year, remarks that "the 
devil commanded them to offer squirrels and a cloth cover (or cloth orna- 
ment), without embroidery, woven by the old women whose office it was to 
dance in the temple for the purpose of appeasing the god Yax-coc-Ahmut" 

In the upper division of Plate XXI (that relating to the Muluc year) 
we see this cloth, which we judge from the figure was to be worn by the 
priests. It is plain and without ornamentation, save what is on the stri^DS 
at the side. 

The same account, as will be seen by reference to the quotation in full 
heretofore made, mentions that "among other things perfoi'med at this festi- 
val was a ballet or dance executed on very high stilts" (en muy altos zancos). 
In the upper division of the same plate (XXI) we see one of the dancers 
on stilts. 

It also states that "they were required to present dogs of burnt clay 
bearing bread on the back"; that "the old women were obliged to dance 
with these dogs in their hands, and to sacrifice to the god a little dog with 
black shoulders." In the lower division of the same plate we observe three 
figures of small unspotted dogs, two of which are seated on human feet, 
which is doubtless intended to denote that they are carried during the 
dance. To the right is another figure of a dog marked with large black 
spots, and bearing on its back the symbol of Yniix or Imix mounted on 
that of Kan. 

It is true these figures do not agree exactly with Landa'a description, 
as he does not appear to refer to the two classes of dog images — the plain 
and , the spotted — but to the latter only. But we may expect this writer, 
who mentions these things more incidentally than otherwise, to be more or 
less confused where so many particulars are to be remembered, especially 
if his work was written in Spain, where he had necessarily to rely to a 
great extent upon his memory. But the fact that these figures are found on 



80 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

the plate that relates to the Muluc years; the peculiarly marked dog, bearing 
these symbols on its back; the little dog images on the feet, together with 
the agreement in other particulars, are sufficient to warrant us in concluding 
that these figures relate to the ceremonies he describes. Taking the figures 
and statement together I conclude that the little plain dog-images, three of 
which are represented, were those carried during the dance, while the 
spotted one bearing the characters on its back — of which there is but a 
single figure — represents that which was to be sacrificed. In the collection 
of pottery made by Colonel Stevenson in 1880 among the Pueblos of New 
Mexico, are quite a number of plain httle animal images, chiefly those of 
birds, which he informs me were used in hke manner by the Indians of 
these pueblos. 

If I am correct in this interpretation, we will then be warranted in con- 
cluding that the double character (Fig. 10) signifies "bread," doubtless 
' ' bread of maize." Taken separately we know that the upper is used 
as the symbol of the. day Ymix or Imix, and the lower of Kan; 
but the primary significations of these words, or rather the words 
FioTo. that these symbols stand for, is somewhat doubtful. Perez gives no 
definition of the former, neither in his lexicon nor Cronologia. Brasseur 
gives the following signification in his Vocabulary — "Deep pit; issue from 
a focus or of the breast"; but in a note to the Cronologia (§ II) he makes 
this remark: ''Ymix, written Imox in the Quiche Calendar, in that of Chiapas 
is represented under the image of a marine monster of a peculiar form; it 
is the CipactU of the Mexican Calendar, given by Nunez de la Vega, as the 
first father of the race of these countries." The latter (Kan) has several 
significations, such as "a cord or string of henequin," "yellow," "a certain 
measure," " red earth," " clay," &c. He also gives as other meanings, " in- 
creased," "elevated," "manifest," "consolidated," &c. But I judge from 
Perez's language that the ancient signification was somewhat uncertain. 

The Maya word for "maize" is Ixim, and I am strongly inclined to 
believe that Imix is but a synonym, also that the symbol was originally 
used to signify this great food plant. I think it also probable that the sym- 
bol for Kan was used originally to represent the "grain" of corn, hence the 
gathered a,nd stored corn or ears, and that the name was derived from the 




THOMAsi CHARACTERS YMIX AND KAN. 81 

* 

yellow or golden color. On Plates XIX* and XX* of the second part of the 
Manuscript — lowest division- — we observe women bearing burdens on their 
backs in baskets; the substance carried by three out of six is represented 
by Kan symbols, and is probably gathered maize. 

It is worthy of notice that one of the names of their chief deity Zamna 
or Itzamna, is Itzen-caan, signifying the "dew of* heaven," or "substance 
from heaven." Itzen and Itzam ai'e given by the lexicons as equivalents, 
and tzen, and its derivatives, contains throughout the idea of food or that 
which sustains life. Ixlcan-Leox was the name of a female divinity supposed 
to be the spouse of Zamna; the signification of the name, according to 
Brasseur, is " Celle de la fronde jaune aux grains de mais^^; in other words, the 
" silk." In the upper division of Plate 19 (Codex) is the figure of a woman 
bearing the same characters on her back, one above another, as on the Manu- 
script plate. Just behind her is the figure of a man or male deity, which I 
judge from the long beard to be Kukulcan, or Zamna, bearing on his back 
the same two characters. From these facts and others which might be 
mentioned I am satisfied there was an intimate connection in the minds of 
this people between maize and this deity. 

The two symbols in this form (Fig 11), and also in reverse order, some- 
times with and sometimes without the accompanying char- 
acters over them, are of very frequent occurrence in the 
Manuscript and Codex. That characters similar to the ac- 
companying ones here shown are used in the Mexican Codi- 
ces to represent cakes of bread or tortillas is well known; whether they have 
the same signification in this connection is a point that will be discussed 
hereafter. 

Our next step will be to determine, if possible, which of the figures shown 
on these plates represent the Uayeyah idols. As we have already shown, 
there were, according to Landa, four of these, as follows: Kan-u-Uayeyah, 
for the Kan years; Ghac-ii-Uayeyab, for the Muluc years; Zac-u- Uayeyah, 
for the Ix years, and Ek-u- Uayeyah, for the Cauac years. We may assume, 
I think, without any fear of being in error, that the left-hand figures in the 
lowest division of the four plates of the Codex are intended as representa- 

# 

tives of these images. They are the only ones placed on the stone-heap 

6 M T 




82 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

symbol ; three of them are exactly alike, and to them the priests are offering 
the decapitated fowls. 

Turning to the plates of the Manuscript we find the question more diffi- 
cult to solve; first, because there are on each plate (except one) two figures 
seated on stone symbols; and second, because these figures are wholly dif- 
ferent from those in the ■Codex. I think there can be no doubt that one of 
each of these pairs represents one of these idols. But which one? The 
one not seated on the symbol is that at the left of the lower division of Plate 
XXII. We may therefore assume that the white figure at the right with a 
sinuous line down the face, and seated on the stone symbol is the idol Kan- 
u-Uayeyab or Cliac-u-Uayeyab ; the former, if the ceremonies here shown 
refer to the commencement of the Kan year, the latter if they refer to the 
close. As the con-esponding figure* on Plate XXIII (Cauac year) bears on 
its head the Kan symbol it most likely represents the former, and that on 
Plate XXII the latter. The corresponding figure on Plate XXI varies con- 
siderably from the other two noticed; still there is sufficient resemblance to 
induce me to decide that it (the one at the right in the lower division) is the 
Uayeyab idol — Chac-u-Uayeyab or Zac-u-Uayeyab. 

The figures on Plate XX present still greater difficulty, if possible, that 
on the right being wholly different from the others. As this plate refers to 
the Ix years we should expect this variation, having found such to be tlie 
case on the Codex plates, and would decide at once, notwithstanding this 
difference, that it represented the Uayeyab idol, Avere it not for certain facts 
to be noticed. During the festival of the Ix years one of the images made 
represented the god Yzamna or Itzamna. Whether this deity was identical 
with Kukulcan or not is a question in reference to which the authorities are 
undecided. If we assume they are identical, the beard on the figure at the 
right would lead us to conclude that it was intended to represent this deity. 
But, on the other hand, the bird with the protruded tongue seated on the 
head-dress of the figure at the left is one of the symbols of Quetzalcoatl, 
the equivalent of Kukulcan. We also observe that the Ara, the sun emblem, 
is immediately opposite the latter, toward wliich he is pointing his fingers, 
which is a well-known symbol of Itzamna. Taking all these facts into 
consideration, I conclude that the figure to the right is the Uaveyab idol, 



U. S. G. AND G. SURVEY. 



MANUSCRIPT TROAh'O PL V. 






\ * i> = 



— - •**^ ^^i 






(S5 




Fac Simile of Plate 25 of the Dwcsukn' Codex. 



TiioMAs.i EXPLANATION OF FIGUHES ON PLATE XXIIL 83 

and that the one at the left represents Itzamna, whom I believe to be a dis- 
tinct personage from Kukulcan. I have been nnable to arrive at a satis- 
factory conclusion in regard to the opposite or left-hand figures on the other 
plates, except that on Plate XXIII, which I think represents the god of 
death. 

We will now turn to the upper division of Plate XXIII and examine 
some of the figures contained in it. Near the left margin is the figure of a 
headless trunk marked with dotted lines and little circles; on it is the sym- 
bol of Caban and the figure of a machete. It is probable that this repre- 
sents the body of the "dead man" which Landa says was carried during 
the festival of the Cauac years, as the dotted lines and circlets thereon cor- 
respond with that borne by the Chac in the tipper division of Plate 28 of 
the Codex. As the festival of the Cauac years was observed during the 
closing days of the Ix years — those with which, according to the theory I 
have advanced, the lustres, ahaues, and cycles closed — I think it probable 
this figure is intended to signify the close of one of these periods, possibly 
the first, as this appears to be the idea signified in the Codex. I am fully 
aware of the difficulty of reconciling this explanation with the fact that this 
figure appears on the plate in the Codex which apparently refers to the 
Muluc years and is marked by the terminal days of the Kan years. But 
this fact will not warrant the rejection of my interpretation, as the error, if 
there is one, relates to the order in which I have arranged the years. I 
would also suggest that it is possible the calendars of the two works are not 
precisely alike — one may commence the series with a different year from 
that with which the other begins; in fact, the order of the plates in the two 
works seems to indicate this. It can scarcely be doubted that 25 of the 
Codex corresponds with XX of the Manuscript, yet tliat in the Codex is first 
while that of the Manuscript is the last of the four (the order here being, as 
I have shown, the reverse of the paging). The year in which the figure 
appears, according to the Manuscript, corresponds with Landa's statement, 
while that of the Codex does not. If we decide that the series of years 
commenced with Kan and ended with Cauac, the interpretation would still 
agree with the Manuscript and Landa, as then we would have to suppose 
that Plate XXIII refers chiefly to the close of the Cauac and commence- 
ment of the Kan years. 



84 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 

In the lower left-hand corner of the same division we observe the figure 
of a deity, with a fiery red face, marked as the symbol for Ahau, bearing 
in his hand a torch and on liis head what appears to be two little wings 
This I presume represents Kinch-AJiau-Itzamna (Kinch-Ahau, the lord of 
the mouth or eye of the sun or day), one of the idols made diu'ing the 
festival of the Ix years. Here it appears to be sinking out of sight below 
the western horizon, casting back its fiery rays as indicated by the torch. 
As it belongs to the Ix year, which is here brought to a close, it Avould of 
course be retii'ed. The headless figure immediately above it, and the Caban 
or Cab which signifies "to descend" or "sink below," and the signification 
of the blue figure, as heretofore explained, all agree exactly with this in- 
terpretation. The wings [if such they be] on the head probably refer to 
the Ara, the sun token. The bird in the center, seated on the head-dress, 
may possibly represent or symbolize the "burnt bird," or "bird reduced to 
ashes" (the meaning of the original is very obscure), of which Landa speaks; 
the bill in the figure, it is true, is scarcely appropriate for a rapacious bird, 
which the Kucli appears to have been, but exact representations are not to 
be expected in this work. 

The color appropriate to the Cauac year (the one assigned to the 
south), as indicated by the Maya word Eh, was black; according with this, 
the large figure at the right of the upper space, and the bird in the lower 
space, are of this color. 

The serpent, we know, was a symbol used in the Mexican Calendar to 
denote a long period of time, especially the cycle of 52 years. It is also a 
prominent figure on these plates of the Manuscript, being found, in three of 
them, coiled under the clay vessels. (See both divisions of XXI, XXII, 
and XXIII.) Under each of the vessels in XXIII, and that of the upper 
division of XXII, it is in two coils; in tlie lower division of the latter the 
head is thrust out, apparently in comphance with the solicitation of the 
white personage to the right ; on Plate XXI (both divisions) but one coil 
remains; and on Plate XX we see nothing more of it. What is it designed 
to represent on these plates % That it is a symbol of some period of time 
will scarcely be doubted ; but what period ? 



THOMAS. 1 THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 85 

Turning to the plates of the Coclex, we find that it appears there also 
on but three out of the four, being absent in both cases on the page refer- 
ring to the Ix years. We also observe that on each plate of the Manuscript 
where the serpent appears the vessels bear Kan symbols. 

It is evident, from what has already been shown, that the four plates 
in each work are intended to cover exactly one cycle. This is proven by 
the fact that on each the day symbols are repeated thirteen times. It is 
true that the period embraced by the plates of the Manuscript does not coin- 
cide with any one cycle, but it covers the thirteen different yeai's of each 
of the four dominical days, giving them in regular order, thus making one 
complete cycle. The design in the Codex appears to be to indicate in a 
general manner the character of the feasts of the supplemental days only, and 
to show by the thirteen day-symbols that this is to be applied to all the years 
of the cycle ; while the plates of the Manuscript are apparently designed to 
give the same general idea, but at the same time to refer to a specific period, 
and also that this period shall include the close and commencement of the 
two great periods; hence the years are specified in the latter, while they 
are not in the former; the latter also includes allusions to other festivals 
than those of the Uayeyab. 

Taking for granted, then, that these plates are intended to cover one 
cycle, and that the serpent denotes a period of time, the natural presump- 
tion would be that it here represents a cycle, for, although we find evident 
allusion to the Ahau in these plates of the Manuscript, we see nothing of 
the kind in those of the Codex.^ 

We might very reasonably suppose those on the plates of the Codex 
indicated the year, but a close inspection of that on Plate 26 will show that 
it differs considerably from the other two, is evidently in a dying condition, 
and is marked with the fatal dotted line. I can see no reason for this dif- 
ference if they were used to denote the year, and, aside from this, the fact 
that each one of the idols around which they are coiled is crowned with four 
leaves, indicating the four dominical days, would seem to forbid this inter- 
pretation, which certainly cannot be applied to those in the Manuscript. 

' The reader will understand that the word "plates" in this connectiou is to ho understood as 
moauiug only the four of which I have been treating. 



86 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 

If they refer to the cycle, then each coil will denote two Indications, a 
supposition with which the pyramid of four steps on Plate XXII (to which 
I will presently allude) agrees very well. A fact worthy of notice in this 
connection is that, proceeding with the pages in the order I have adopted, 
we find on XXIII, where Cauac is the ruling day, the two coils are com- 
plete; on the lower or closing division of XXII, where Kan is the ruling 
day, one coil is partially withdrawn; on XXI, where Muluc is the day, 
there is but one coil ; and on XX, where Ix — the year with which the cycle 
closes — is referred to, there is none. 

The most serious objection to this theory is that if any allusion to the 
Indications were intended there should be four coils instead of two, as there 
are four of these periods in a cycle. But the serpent may be used here only 
as the symbol of the cycle and the coils may have no particular significa- 
tion; still I think they do have, as there are two to each on the Codex 
plates, and that they denote the two halves of the cycle. Landa mentions 
the fact that the two halves of the Ahau were specially noted by the Indians. 

It is possible that on the Codex each serpent represents the series of 
years of one dominical day included in one cycle; that is to say, one 
column of a cycle as given in the previous tables. I have been led to make 
this suggestion from what I find on Plate 43 of the Borgian Codex. 

Here we see four serpents,^ coiled so as to form the sides of a square, 
and the four squares brought together so as to bring the heads to the center. 
On the body of each is a series of circles representing as I believe years; 
counting the small subcaudal one, there are exactly thirteen on each ser- 
pent. 

Each of these serpent figures may represent an Indication, but the 
figure and the day signs in the spaces and the order in which they stand 
incline me to believe that they relate to the series under the respective 
dominical da5^s. The five day signs in the spaces are doubtless the five 
added days — this can, I presume, easily be determined ; but as I have not 
entered upon the study of the Mexican Calendar, and have not the proper 
works at hand for this purpose, I leave this for others to decide. In the 
upper right-hand square the inclosed figure is black, reminding us of the 

' These are really monsters, as tliey are represented with anterior limbs. 



U. S. G. AND G. SURVEY. 



MANUSCRIPT TROANO I'l. VI. 




1 







Fac Simile of Plate 26 of the Drespen Codex. 



THOMAS.) EXPLANATION OF FIGUEBS ON PLATES XX-XXIIL 87 

black figure in Plate XXIII of the Manuscript. In front of each inclosed 
figure, and immediately over the head of the serpent, is an ui-n. The snout 
of each serpent is crowned with a plurae-tipped process. These resem- 
blances, notwithstanding the otherwise great dissimilarity of the figures of 
this plate of the Borgian Codex to those of the other two works, render it 
quite probable that they relate to the same general subject.^ I think it 
very probable that the serpent was sometimes used to symbolize the Ahau, 
as for example on Plates 33, 34, 35, and 69 of the Dresden Codex; that on 
Plate 33 to denote the 6th Ahau, that on 34 the 3d; that on 35 the 8th, and 
that on 69 the 10th. The lustres are evidently indicated on the last by 
the colors. 

Turning again to the plates of the Manuscript, we notice the figure of 
an animal of some kind mounted on the right-hand personage in the upper 
division of XXI, XXII, and XXIII. The peculiar form of the eye shows 
these to be quadrupeds. They are doubtless mounted, on these individuals 
to show that they are Chacs, corresponding with those in the upper division 
of the Codex plates. 

We may as well call attention here to the fact that several of these 
things which appear on the other plates and seem to be equally applicable 
to all the years alike, are wanting on Plate XX, which relates to the Ix 
years. For example, the serpent is wholly wanting here ; there is no animal 
denoting the Chac, and one at least of the clay vessels is missing. What 
does this signify 1 I confess that I am somewhat at a loss how to account • 
for it, but, from my examinations and what has been ascertained, am dis- 
posed to explain it b}^ the fact that Ix is the closing year of the lusters and 
cycles, and that the things mentioned, being symbols of one or the other of 
these periods or depending upon them, properly disappear with this year. 
If this view be correct, it will probably enable us to assign a signification to 
the large (supposed) red-clay vessels placed on the serpent coils in Plates 
XXI-XXIII. Uayeh-haab or Uayeyah (the latter is but a contraction of the 

'lu a pamphlet by Sr. J. M. Melgar, of Vera Cruz, entitled "A comparative view of the sym- 
bolical signs of the Ancient Systems of Theogony and Cosmogony, and those existing Lu the Mexican 
MSS., as published by Kingsborough, and the alto-relievos on a wall in Chichen-Itza," 1872, which Dr. 
Foreman, of the Smithsonian, has very kindly translated for me, I find a somewhat different interpreta- 
tion of thisi>late of the Borgian Codex. This will bo found in my Appendix No. 2. 



88 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

former) signifies the "bed of the year." As the vessels are placed on the 
serpent, and hence cannot represent incense-burners, it is not impossible that 
they are symbols of the idea expressed in these Maya words. 

The character C o LLLIJ ^~D which, according to Landa is the hieroglyph 
for the letter tt, which in Maya signifies "vase" (also "moon"), is common on 
"the vase-figures throughout the woi-k; but on these vessels we notice parts of 
other characters which togetlier with the one given may be the symbols for 
TJayeyah. This I admit is a mere supposition, but it does not appear to be a 
forced one; moreover, the following explanation by Perez may serve to 
strengthen it: "They called them [the added days] also uayah or uayeb- 
haah, wliich may be interpreted in two different ways. The word uayab may 
be derived from uay which means 'bed' or 'chamber,' presuming the Indians 
believed the year to rest during those days; or uaijab may equally be derived 
from another signification of uay, yiz: 'to be destroyed,' 'wounded,' 'cor- 
roded by the caustic juice of plants,' or with ley and other strong liquids."* 

I think it probable that these are cinerary urns, given as symbolic rep- 
resentations of the idea that the years have closed — are dead — and as the 
ashes of the dead rest in the urns so the ashes of the years may be said to 
rest in these vessels. This idea appears to be borne out by the fact that 
the vessel in the middle division of Plate 28 of the Codex, which appears to 
correspond to these of the Manuscript, has on it the figure of cross-bones, 
on the top of which are placed three Kan symbols. 

Stephens in his "Yucatan" mentions the fact that it is the custom of the 
Indians to gather up the bones of the dead and preserve them in baskets, 
boxes, and other similar vessels. Pie mentions one case where "they Avere 
clean and bright as if polished, with the skuU and cross-bones in front, the 
legs and arms laid on tlie bottom," &c.^ It is more than probable that this 
custom was handed down from ancient times. 

What the Kan symbols contained in these vessels signify is a question 
that puzzles me, and which I have so far been unable to answer satisfticto- 
rily. In the Manuscript we see three in both vessels of Plate XXIII; 
three in the upper and two in the lower division of Plate XXII; also three 
in the upper and two in the lower division of Plate XXI, but the top one 

' Appendix to " Stephens's Yucatan," I, 437. 2 Vol. I, p. 417. 



THOMAS.! MEANING OF THE KAN SYMBOLS. 89 

in the upper is surrounded by a heavy black border, while in the lower a 
black bird appears to be in the act of devouring a third, presented to it by 
the white personage at the right. On Plate XX there are two in the similar 
vessel in the lower division, and two connected with another character in 
the upper. 

Turning to the Codex, we find the arrangement, so far as these charac- 
ters are concerned, quite different. On Plate 25 we see but one, and that 
in the middle division; on 26 one in the middle and two in the lower 
division; on 27 two in the third or lowest division, with the figure of a 
fish upon them; on 28 three in the middle, above the cross-bones. If the 
vessels are to be considered as cinerary urns, figuratively holding the ashes 
of the dead years, these Kan symbols must be in some way connected 
therewith, but the numbers on the different ones cannot easily be made to 
agree with any of the periods of the calendar. Possibly they may simply 
represent ears of maize or tortillas cast into these vessels. The fish placed 
on those in the third division indicate, as I believe, that here they are 
intended to represent corn or bread, for the position of the figure shows 
that it is meant for one of the offerings made to the idol, which Landa says 
consisted of "drinks, dishes of food, meats, fish," &c. The vessel just above 
this, in the same division, probably contains fruits or gourds (calabashes). 

If we suppose them to be time symbols, we may possibly find an 
argument in favor of interpreting them years in the fact that on Plate 
XXIII, where there are three in the vessel in the lower division, there is a 
fourth one on the head of the personage at the right, who we have sup- 
posed is the personage that represents the year. By counting this we have 
the four years. The one withdrawn and placed upon the head of the image 
represents (say) the Cauac year. This leaves three, as shown in the vessel. 
In the lower division of Plate XXII there are but two, another having been 
withdrawn to represent the Kan year. So far we meet with no obstacle to 
our interpretation; but when we come to Plate XXI we find there are 
three, Tind on Plate XX two, a fact which is difficult to explain on this 
theory. 

Turning again to Plate XXII, we observe on the head of the individ- 
ual at the right of the xipper compartment two triangles. These remind 



90 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

us very strongly of the triangles on the outer circle of the Mexican calendar 
stone, and, although these are at the head of the animal, while those are at 
the tails of the serpents, I think it probable they have the same significa- 
tion — the completion of the cycle. This opinion, I believe, is confirmed 
by the figures at the left of the same compartment. Here we observe two 
falling figures. The lower, pale brown, with cords on his arms and legs, is 
being dashed to pieces on the pyramidal pile, on which he falls, as shown 
by the blood which is streaming over it. The upper one is white, the side 
of tlie head marked with a sinuous line, as that in the lower right-hand 
corner of the lower division of Plate XXIII. That these two figures sym- 
bolize periods of time can scarcely be doubted, the dark one sti-iking the 
pyramid that which is expiring. The four steps of the pyramid probably 
denote "indications" or "weeks of years," and, hence, all taken together 
represent the cycle. In the dark base we see a sigmoid character similar to 
that which Landa gives for the letter N, which may possibly be the symbol 
for the Maya word Noh, "grand." Here we see that one of the steps is 
black, which is the characteristic color of one of the four dominical days 
and of one of the four plates of the Manuscript. These facts, I think, are 
sufficient to warrant us in assuming that the whole pyramid represents the 
cycle, and is, no doubt, the "monument" raised at the termination of this 
period, in reference to which Perez makes the following remark: "This 
period of fifty -two years was called by the Indians Katun, and at its conclu- 
sion great feasts were celebrated, and a monument was raised, on which a 
large stone was placed crosswise, as is signified by the word Kat-tun, for a 
memento and record of the cycles or Katunes that had elapsed." 

The two falling figures probably represent years, the dark one the 
closing year of one cycle or other period and the white the first of the fol- 
lowing. I am led to this conclusion from the sti-ong resemblance of the 
white figure to those in the lower right-hand corner of the lower division 
of Plates XXII and XXIII, which I have supposed represent the Uayeyab 
idols. • 

At the top of the left-hand, or day, column of Plate XX, and else- 

& & & 
where in these four plates, we find this unusual red character 



U. S. G. A ND G. SURVE V. 



MANUSCRII'T TROANO ri. VII. 






V U tl Uti 




#^.)f^^^^fa(^--- 




/?/^w/>g Ci/J/.)f 



Fac Simile of Plate 27 of the Diiesden Codex, 



THOMAS.] CHAKACTEES IN THE MIDDLE LINE, PLATES XX-XXIII. 91 

sometimes with and sometimes without dots over it. Over the Ix cohunn — 
Plate XX — there are two of these characters, the upper with three dots 
over it, the other with one. In the upper edge of the upper space of tlie 
same plate there is another without any dots over it. Those over the Muluc 
column — Plate XXI — are too thoroughl}^ obliterated to be made out, but 
in the upper space of this plate we see a very distinct one with two dots 
over it. There are none over the Kan column of Plate XXII, but in the 
upper space there appears to be one, though too badly defaced to be made 
out with certainty. There is one over the Cauac column — Plate XXIII — 
with one dot over it, and in the upper space another, with two dots over it, 
above which is another in black, but reversed, and without dots. On tlie 
title page there are two lines of somewhat similar figures, but presenting 
some differences, which render it doubtful whether they have the same 
signification as those on the four j^lates. 

There can be but little doubt that these characters are used here to 
denote certain periods of time. But what periods is a question I have so 
far been unable to answer satisfactorily. I will therefore postpone the dis- 
cussion of this jDoint to a subsequent page. 

In the broad line separating the two divisions of each plate we observe 
certain square characters, some of which are readily recognized as day 
symbols. Those on Plate XXIII reading from left to right are — first, Eza- 
nah ; second, Ahhal; third, the character which Brasseur says stands for 31, 
and fourth, possibly a variant of Lamat. On Plate XXII, reading in the same 
direction — Lamat {f), Mf, Ezandb, and Akhal; on Plate XXI, i?i-rt'«a5, pos- 
sibly a variant of Been, Ahhal, Lamat, and (?); on Plate XX, Been, Akbal, 
Mf, Esanah, and Lamat. Two only in each line can be determined with anv 
degree of certainty. These days are the closing ones of the difterent years, 
and are very appropriate in this place, and bear the same relation to these 
plates as those in the columns of the Codex do to those plates. Their posi- 
tion here also (jonfirms the view I have heretofore incidentally advanced, 
that the upper division of these plates relates chiefly to the closing days of 
one year and the lower to the commencement of the following. The character 
Avhich I have denoted by tlie letter M is the same as that which 1 liave 
interpreted as designating "the jiorth," except that it is without the prefix. 



92 A STUDY OP THE MANUSOEIPT TEOANO. 

I strongly suspect that it is the symbol for Am, the sacred stone by means 
of which they cast the horoscope, and which was doubtless the same as 
those named by Landa Acantun. The loop or knot on Plates XXI and 
XXII probably signifies the tying of the years, the close of one cycle or 
other period and the commencement of another.^ There are but two of 
these, and they probably correspond with the figures on which the Chacs in 
Plates 27 and 28 of the Codex are walking. These appear to be bundles 
of cords or reeds bound at four points, representing the four dominical days 
(the four years), each representing thirteen years of the cycle, or possibly 
only one year of the luster. 

Plate XX, which has Ix as the dominical da}^, appears to bear one 
or two of the tokens mentioned by Landa in his description of the festival 
of the Cauac years. This author remarks that, "after they 
have placed the images in the temple, they perfume them, as is 
their custom, and present to them two pellets of resin fi-om a 
tree called Idk, for the purpose of burning them, also some 
iguanas, bread, a mitre, a bouquet of flowers, and a stone which 
they hold in great honor." We see projecting from the head- 
FiG. 12. dress of the figure in the lower right-hand corner of the lower 
division what appears to be a flower. In the upper division we see at the 
left an individual burning incense. In the corresponding plate of the Codex 
(25), middle division, is this figure (Fig. 12), which I have concluded is a 
symbol of the particular incense here mentioned. 

1 It resembles the Mexicau character for the day Ollin or "Earthquake." 




CHAPTER IV. 

SUGGESTIONS AS TO THE PROBABLE MEANING OF SOME 
OF THE FIGURES ON THE OTHER PLATES. 

PART FIRST OF THE MANUSCRIPT. 

Plates II to VII of the first part appear to relate to one general sub- 
ject, if we can judge of this by the figures and symbols, but what that 
general subject is I am as yet unable to determine positively, but am of the 
opinion that they relate, in part at least, to the festivals and profession of 
the traveling merchants. 

The first division of Plate II contains two figures. The one to the left, 
a quadruped upon a brown ground, has its hind feet upon an oblong figure, 
apparently a stone, holding by its fore feet to a cord which passes round 
the object on which its hind feet are placed. A machete is plunged into the 
back, forming a great wound, from which we see the blood flowing out. The 
character on which he stands is marked with the trembling cross, which sig- 
nifies "Ezanab" or "flint." I think it more than probable that this is 
intended to denote the sacrifice of this animal. It was the custom to sacri- 
fice a dog at the merchants' festival, but it is doubtful whether this figure is 
intended to represent a dog. 

A similar figure and with similar accompaniments is found in the upper 
division of Plate III. I find among the characters immediately above both 



of these, this one /JZ'^^^J The right-hand portion appeai-s to be Landa's 




character for the letter "X." If we suppose the inscription to have any 
reference to the figures in the spaces, we may give this two possible inter- 
pretations — the first 01, "heart," probably denoting the sacrifice of the ani- 
mal or person by the usual method of taking out the heart. Or, supposing 



93 



94 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 

the first part of the compound character to be simply a prefix or a particle, 
the chief character may indicate the Maya word Le, signifying "a cord," "a 
lasso," or cord with a slip knot. I find the same character over the middle 
figure of the second division of this plate (II), also, slightly varied, over 
the left figure of the first division of Plate III. In each case we see the 
cord and also the indications of sacrifice. The same character is also found 
immediately above the open breast of the sacrificed individual on Plate 3 
of the Dresden Codex, but in thi^ case we also see cords around the hands 
and feet. 

In the right-hand compartment of the upper division is a squatting 
human figure in black on a blue ground, doubtless representing some deity. 
He has a fiery red mouth and a very prominent nose, and is holding by the 
hand a cord, which passes round a character at his feet, probably represent- 
ing a peddler's pack. On his head he bears an interlaced or cross-hatched 
figure as a head-dress. This figure I think represents the ancient divinity 
CUcchac-Chab or Chichac-CJwh} The cross-hatched character on the head 
appears to be used to indicate the sound td, d, or cJii, and is probably 
placed here to denote this deity. Similar figures are found in various parts of 
of the Manuscript, as, for example, on Plates IV, V, VI, VII, XIX, XVII*, 
XVIII*, XXIP, XXIII*, XXV*, XXIX*, XXX*, XXXI*, and XXXII*. 

There appear, in fact, to be two different personages represented by 
these figures, as may be seen by reference to the upper division of Plate 
VI, where the two are brought face to face. The only difference observable 
is in the form of the eye. According to Landa, the Indians, during the 
festival of the Cauac years, made four idols named Chicchac-cJioh, Ekhalam- 
cMc, AJican-Volcah, and Ahhuluc-Balam ; the first of which is doubtless one 
of those referred to. It is also possible that some of the figures on this 
group of plates refer to others of these four deities. 

In the middle division of this plate (II) is a stooping human figure, 
with his arms bound behind his back with a cord, and a kind of yoke on 
the back of his head The edge of a machete is descending upon his neck 
as if to sever his head from his body. That this figure is intended to show 
that the individual is about to be slain can scarcely be doubted, as we see, 



'I am aware that Ekchuali was the merchant's p.atron. 



U. S. G. AND G. SURVEY. 



MANUSCRIPT TROANO PI. VIIl. 










P/,</To£ivoCo.NY 



Fac SuriLE OF Plate 28 of the Dkesdex Codex. 



THOMAS] FIGUEES ON PLATES III-VII. 95 

by turning to the middle division of Plate III, the same person, although 
still represented as standing, a headless trunk and coA^ered with blood, while 
in close proximity is the fatal machete. 

Above the bound figure we find the character heretofore given, which 
we have supposed may be the symbol for 01, or "heart," and, if so, tends 
to confirm the idea indicated in what has been said concerning these figures. 
Be this as it may, we have here, undoubtedly, indications of hiiman sacri- 
fice. The mode indicated may not be exactly what we may have been led 
to expect from what has been stated by the old authors, but this does not 
necessarily prove oiir interpretation wrong. It is a significant fact that on 
the third page of the Dresden Codex we see human sacrifice distinctly 
shown. Thus it appears that each of these manuscripts bears the evidence 
of this horrible custom. 

As bearing upon my interpretation of these characters, I call attention 
to the fact that they are also found on Plate 3 of the Codex, in connection 
with the figure denoting human sacrifice. 

The white left-hand figure in the third division (PI. Ill), holding in his 
right hand the symbol of cu or Cauac, and in his left a spear head, represents, 

as I judge from the markings and this accompanying character, 

of the gods of death or underworld. 

Plates III to VIT, taken together, appear to represent among other 
things a journey of some kind, probably the journeyings of traveling mer- 
chants or peddlers. This is indicated by the marks of footsteps and by the 
figures of individuals with staves in their hands and packs on their backs, 
which are bound with cords. 

The two individuals in the upper division of Plate VI appear to be 
in the act of producing fire by whirling a stick between the hands with the 
point pressed on a piece of wood, as was the custom. 

The figure in the lower division of this plate is interesting chiefly 
on account of tlie peculiar head-dress of the large central figure. TJiis, 
which is shown in the annexed cut (Fig. 13), I'epresents a couch or seat 
in the form of a double-headed animal, on which is placed the head of 
a deer. This bears such a striking resemblance to the double-headed 




96 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 




couches or seats found in the ruins of Yucatan^ as to induce us to beheve 
that they have the same signification in both phices, or that the figure in 
our plate refers to that which was represented in the older sculptures and 

paintings. The peculiarity in the figure 
of our plate is that the personage seated 
on the couch is here symbolized by a 
deer's head, and that on the cheek of the 
right head there is one of the death sym- 
bols. Is the deer's head here a symbol 
of the personage represented as seated 
on the couch in the sculptured tablet of 
the Palenque palace, and tlie Beau Re- 
lief in stucco? We have no means by 
which to determine this, but it is my 
opinion it is. 

I suggest, as a possible explanation, 
that this singular head-dress is a symbol 
used to denote the peninsula of Yucatan, or, rather, Etel-ceh, the name by 
which it was known in ancient times. Cell, as is well known, is the Maya 
word for "deer." Etel signifies "companion," and Etelet, from "hand to 
hand" or "side to side." Hence it may be intended as a symbol of dominion. 
This, I am aware, is a somewhat visionary guess, and I give it as 
such; still it is not impossible that it is substantially correct. 

On the jaw of the head, looking to the right, is an imperfect character, 
which, from evidence found elsewhere in the Manuscript, I am satisfied is a 
variant of Cirai. 

We find that the same deity represented in the second division of Plate 
VII assumes a different form. The scene appears to be an open, grassy 
prairie, leading us to infer that here the javelin is being hurled at game, 
although none is figured. 

In the lower division of Plate VII, and extending into the margin of 
VIII, is a series of five similar blue figures, each seated on a large charac- 
ter like the one here shown. 



Fig. l;!. 



'Bancroft's Native Eaces, vol. iv, pages Ml, 318, and 329 ; Stephens's Yucatan, vol ii, page 182; 
Waldeck, plate xvii; Dupaix, plate xxvi (Plate 20, Kingsbury, iv). 




THOMAB] FIGURES liELATING TO THE CHASE, PLATES VUI-XIX. 97 

The black numerals not obliterated are as follows, and in the following 
order: 11, 10, 9. Is it not possible that these signify Ahaues? The head- 
dresses on three are similar to that seen so often throughout 
the work on the head of Tlaloc, and which, I presume, 
signifies the tying of the years. I merely suggest this as a 
possible explanation, although the order of the numerals 

i-'iG. 11. is not the usual one. 

Plates VIII to XIX appear, from the figures, to relate to the chase. 
VIII-XIII are devoted almost wholly to figures of animals (mostly deer) 
caught in snares. It appears from these figures that the method of snaring 
animals was to fasten a cord to the top of a slender tree, bend it down, and 
fasten a slip-knot around a spring or trigger, so that when touched by the 
fore foot of the animal it would slip up and tighten, and thus hold up the 
fore part of the body. There can be no doubt that the elongate white 
stems to which the cords are tied represent trees or wood. If the nodes 
marked upon them were not sufficient to show this, a study of the similar 
figures throughout the work would satisfy any one on this point. 

The curved figure at the foot of the deer in the second division of 
Plate VIII probably represents a kind of spring or trigger around which 
the slip-knot is fastened in such a manner that when touched above by 
the foot of the animal it closes or bends together, so that the knot slips 
oif it and on to the leg.^ I am aware that this- interpretation is widely 
different from the profound explanation given by Brasseur, still I think it is 
as near the correct one. 

The animal represented in the upper division of Plate IX is an Arma- 
dillo. It is evidently in a pit, into which it has fallen through the trap 
arranged for this purpose. We see no cord here, as none was needed. 

The pit appears to have been lined around the sides with upright 
pieces of wood, to prevent the earth from falling in; then two layers around 
the top of these, and finally covered with a layer of sticks or small beams, 
through which a hole was made in the middle, and then pieces laid loosely 
on this, so that the ends met over the middle of the opening. The animal 

1 Herrera (Dec. iii, Bk. vi, cliaji. 3) says they lulled tbeir game with gius aud snares. The Geu- 
tlcmau of Elvas speaks of a method of eatcbiug couies with suares similar to that figured iu the Mauu- 
script (Hackluyt Transl. ii, 183). 
7 M T 



98 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSOEIPT TROANO. 




passing- over steps on these, and, tilting them, falls in. I introdnce here a 
figure of this pitfall, an exact copy of that on the plate. We here see the 
method of joining the ends of beams together. 

A similar figure, but on a smaller scale, is given on Plate XXIP. The 

crosses on the ends of the 
beams are parts of the chai'- 
acter so often found on 
wooden articles. This is 
evident from the fact that 
the full character is found 
on the ends of the cross- 
beams in the figure on Plate 
XXII*. The probable sig- 
FiG. 15.— Pitfall and armadillo. nification will be givcu here- 

after, in the chapter relating- to the written characters.. 

In the third space of this plate, and also in the second and third spaces 
of Plate XIII, there is an outline figure of a scorpion, and in each case the 
claw at the end of the tail grasps a cord to which a deer, rabbit, or fox is 
attached. I confess my inability to interpret these figures.-^ 

In the left portion of the upper division of Plate X^ is a broad trans- 
verse line -containing characters similar to those in the line between the 
divisions of Plates XX-XXIII. The left-hand character (of the three) 
bears a strong resemblance to the symbol of the Mexican day OlUn, or 
"Earthquake," but here possibly represents the Maya day Ezanab, and 
the middle one. Been. The character to the right is the "death symbol," 
or symbol of the day Cimi. The red and blue scrolls which are attached to 
and hang below this line probably denote the supposed character of two 
different years or days, so far as they relate to the chase. It is a fact 
worthy of notice that on these six plates there are just eighteen of these 
captured animals, or one for each month of the year. We can readily 
understand why the festivals or religious observances denoted by these 
figures and the day and numeral characters are so numerous and occupy 

' Sr. Melgar(C'omj). View, if-c.) suggests that it denotes the zodiacal sign Scorpio, and heuce autumn. 
But such a supposition would imply a knowledge of Oriental astronomy not warranted. 
■^SeeFig. 97. 



THE HUNTERS' FESTIVAL. 



99 



such a large portion of the Manuscript. The priests were fond of the savoiy 
venison hams which fell to them. Tn other words, it was a scheme on their 
part to use the religious fervor of the people to supply their larders with 
this choice meat. 







'^-^'"'ii'i'i.f ^«r 






L.*r4. 



Fig. 16. 



100 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

Plate XIV — the middle and lower divisions of which are reproduced in 
Fig. 1 16 — I take to be a ritual relating to the hunters' festivals. In the upper 
division we see two persons dressed as Chacs, and bearing the emblems of 
the festival to the temple or appointed place. The middle and lower divis- 
ions contain entire transverse lines of the same character repeated-. If we 
take them in columns, instead of transversely, we will find that they differ 
fi'om each other only in the top and bottom characters and the numerals. 
As an example, I refer to the third column from the left of the middle divis- 
ion (omitting from the count the usual day column at the left). The chai'- 
acter at the top is the one already interpreted as signifying "the east"; three 
of the other columns have each one of the cardinal points, the rest of the 
characters being the same in each column and in the same order except the 
numeral and the character below it. The same is true in reference to the 
lower division. As these appear to designate mere repetitions, either of 
actions or words, varied slightly as to direction or number, I conclude that, 
taken together, they form a ritual for the ceremonies that relate to the chase. 

Plates XV-XIX appear to represent tokens of hunting scenes and the 
ceremonies of the hunters' festival In the upper division of XVII, XVIII, 
and XIX we see the hunters returning from the chase, some bearing their 
game, others their weapons, and others flowers in token of success. 

On Plates XV and XVII we see some of the game left behind for the 
vultures, which are devouring it. The middle division of XVI and XVII 
relate to the same subject ; the left figure in the latter is represented as being 
bitten by a rattlesnake, one of the dangers to which they are subject while 
pursuing their calling. The figures at the right of the upper division of the 
same plate represent a master punishing his slave or follower ; the difi'er- 
ence in the belt anklets and dress showing the difference in condition. 

It is more than probable that these figures are to a certain extent cabal- 
istic and also that it is a part of the ceremonies of the festival to represent 
these incidents of the hunter's profession. 

The large figure in the middle division of Plate XV I presume repre- 
sents an idol, made for the occasion, in the form of a deer. If so, we see 
here a strong indication of phallic worship. 



Ti.oMAs] EXPLANATION OF FIGURES ON PLATES XVII-XIX. 101 

In the lowest division of Plate XVII we observe a woman piercing 
her tongue with a maguey leaf, while in front is an incense-burner. 

The two figures in the upper division of Plate XIV are doubtless Chacs 
selected for the occasion, who are carr^dng to the festival the implements of 
the chase and a sun image. The character on which the figure in the lower 
left-hand corner, middle division of the same plate, is standing, is probably 
a representation of the trap, or rather trigger, used in snaring game. 

We observe that the left-hand figure of the lower division of Plate 
XVI is beai'ing in his hands a Kan symbol on which is placed a deer's head. 
We see exactly- the same combination in the fifth transverse line of the title- 
page — a deer's head on a Kan symbol, emblems of their chief means of 
subsistence, maize and venison. 

The figures in the middle division of Plate XVIII are evidently sym- 
bolical, as the positions are unnatural. I am inclined to believe the upper 
of the two figures denotes a supposed phantom, which, according to the 
superstitions of the Indians, flew through the air, destroying game as it 
passed. This is a mere supposition based wholly on the figures themselves, 
yet one that I think is warranted. 

The figure in the lower division of this plate (XVIII) probably repre- 
sents a priest clothed in animal skin, or an idol. 

The black and white figures in the middle and lower division of XIX 
are grinding paints to be used in their ceremonies. The black is the same 
personage as the right-hand figure in the upper division of Plate VI (Chic- 
chac-Chob). The white one in the middle division is a personage we fre- 
quently meet with on the pages of this work and in reference to which I 
will have more to say hereafter. The white figure in the lower division is 
certainly the same as those on Plates XXII and XXIII, which I have de- 
cided represent Uayeyab idols. It here no doubt signifies a priest dressed to 
represent this idol. 

Plates XXIV-XXVIII appear to relate to one subject — the rainy 
season, or rains, storms, clouds, &c. I think it quite probable that pictures 
of this kind seen by the early writers on the manuscripts which they 
inspected, were the ones they supposed related to the great floods which 
inundated that country. 



102 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT' TEOANO. 

From a careful study of them I conclude they are of general applica- 
tion, and refer simply to the storms, clouds, &c., of the rainy season of the 
year, and not to any particular event. 

As each of these plates is complete in itself, there is nothing in them, 
except the subject treated of, to indicate the order in which they are to be 
taken; but this is too uncertain a guide for us to base any confident opinion 
upon. All I can say on this point with confidence is that XXIV and XXV 
appear to relate to severe and destructive storms, and XXVI and XXVII 
to beneficial and fertilizing rains. The figures in the lower division of the 
first two I think indicate the formation or commencement of the storm. 
"We see in both a young or small serpent, which, I think, is here the symbol 
of a cloud. That on Plate XXV is a rattlesnake, indicating its deadly 
character, as does also the death symbol near by. The apron of the great, 
robust female is cross-hatched — which here may signify Zih, "origin" or 
"birth" — and denote that the serpent, which is issuing from behind it, is in 
process of birth. The character held in the right hand is Ik, "breath," 
"wind," or "spirit"; the blue lines from the mouth, which strike against 
the falling figure with the dead eye, denote the fierce storm on its errand 
of destruction and death. 

The beam shooting out from the eye may possibly denote lightning, 
though in the similar figure on Plate XXVII this appears to be indicated 
by the red dots in the bound serpent on the head. The intention appears 
to have been to indicate the Maya equivalent of the Mexican female deity, 
Chalchihuitlic'ue. This deity, according to Sahagun, was the sister of the 
Tlalocs. "She was honored because she had power over the waters of the 
sea and of the rivers to drown those that went down to them, to raise tem- 
pests and whirlwinds, and to cause boats to founder. They worshiped her, 
all those that dealt in water, that went about selHng it from canoes or 
peddled jars of it in the market. They represented this goddess as a 
woman, painted her face yellow, save the forehead, which was often blue, 
and hung round her neck a collar of precious stones, from which depended 
a medal of gold. On her head was a crown of light- blue paper, with 
plumes of green feathers and tassels that fell to the nape of hei- neck. Her 
earrino-s were of turquiose, wrought in mosaic. Her clothing was a shirt 



THOMAS.) THE EAIN GODDESS. 103 

or upper body garment, clear blue petticoats, with fringes, from which hung 
marine shells, and white sandals. In her left hand she held a shield and a 
leaf of the broad, round, Avhite water-lily, called atlactiezona."^ 

Clavigero makes the following statement in regard to this goddess: 
" ChalcJiiuctieje, otherwise ChalcJiihuitUcue, was the goddess of water and 
companion of Tlaloc. She was known by some other very expressive 
names, which either signify the effects which water produces, or the different 
appearances and color which it assumes in motion. The Tlascalans called 
her Matlacueje, that is, clothed in a green robe; and they gave the same 
name to the highest mountain of Tlascala, on whose sunmiit are formed those 
stormy clouds which generally burst over the city of Angelopoli. To that 
summit the Tlascalans ascended to perform their sacrifices and offer up their 
prayers. This is the very same goddess of water to which Torouemada 
gives the name XocJiiquef^al, and the Cav. Boturini that of Macuilxockiquet- 

The interpreter of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis says: ^' ChalcMutli, 
who presided over these thirteen days, saved herself in the deluge. She is the 
woman who remained after the deluge. Her name signifies, 'The woman 
who wears a dress adorned with precious stones ' They here fasted four 
days to Death. They painted her holding in one hand a spinning-wheel 
and in the other a certain wooden instrument with which they weave; and 
in order to show that of the sons which women bring forth, some are slaves 
and others die in war, and others in poverty, they paint her with a stream, 
as if carrying them away, so that, whether rich or poor, all were finally 
doomed to perish."^ 

■We may therefore, I think, safely assume that the figure in our plate 
is intended to represent the Central American or Yucatec goddess Xnuc, 
who appears to be an equivalent for the Mexican female deity described, 
and that here, at least, she is but a symbol of the mountain range where the 
storms were formed, and from whence they rushed down into the valleys 
and plains below. Whether the large figure in the lower division of Plate 
XXVII is intended to represent the same deity is somewhat uncertain, but 

'Bancroft's Native Races, Vol. iii, p. 368. 
^History of Mexico, Vol. i, p. 252, Culleii's Traus. 
'Kiugsboi'ouyh's Mex. Autiq., vi, p. 120. 



104 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO. 

judging by the blue hair, blue ear-circle, the bound serpent on tlie head, 
and the similarity in the form of the mouth, anklets, and wristlets, I am 
disposed to believe It is, notwithstanding the material differences in other 
respects. The mouth of the latter, the peculiar form of which is more dis- 
tinctly shown than in the former, reminds us very strongly of that of the 
symbol of the Mexican day HJhecatl, "wind," as given in the various Codices. 
I am disposed to think that the figure in Plate XXV represents her as the 
storm-brewing goddess, while that in Plate XXVII shows her as the giver 
of beneficial and fructifying rains. In the former the eye simply shows 
the lightning flash, while in the latter it is surrounded by the curved Tlaloc 
sign, or what is supposed to be the sign of the Tlaloc eye, though certainly 
not limited to this deity. 

The figure in the lower division of Plate XXIV is evidently intended 
to express the same idea as that in the lower division of XXV; but I am at 
a loss to decide what deity is denoted. A god with four hands, as here 
shown, is an anomaly in Mexican and Central American mythology. I 
have failed to find any such represented in the Codices, though I have 
looked through them somewhat carefully for this pui-pose. Nor have I 
found any mention of such an one in any of the works I have at hand. 

Prof Edward S. Holden thinks he sees four hands to the figure on the 
Leyden Stone, but I must confess I have been unable to find more than 
two which appear to belong to the principal personage. He is of the opin- 
ion that the figure on our plate is intended to represent the Mexican god of 
war, Huitzilopochtli} It is possible that this surmise is correct, as it agrees 
in several important respects with the dark figure in the upper division of 
Plate XXV, which I think beyond doubt represents this deity. 

As the reader will find the characteristics and symbols, and also a very 
reasonable and probably correct interpretation of these given at length by 
Bancroft in his "Native Races, I will omit the mention of them here. I only 
add that here we see the feathers, the shield, the snake belt, the arrows and 
spear, and everything, even to the attitude, that betokens a warlike deity. 
The accompanying serpent, which here clearly denotes a cloud, is not 
wanting; the rain pours down in fearful torrents, and .on each side is the 

. ^ 

1 " Studies of Ameiicau Picture Writiug" ; iu Annual Report of tbo Bureau of Etlinology. 



THOMAS] EXPLANATION OP FIGUEES ON PLATES XXIV-XXVIL 105 

death symbol. This god we know was a companion of, or, rather, accom- 
panied by, Tlaloc, whose figure we see by turning to the adjoining Plate 
XXIV. But here, instead of being in his favorite blue, we see him clothed 
in black and bearing on his arm the shield that forms one of the tokens of 
the war god. On this we see the symbol for Ik, "breath" or "wind," 
twice given, betokening the storm and the whirlwirid. In his right hand 
the spear-hurler, or, as here used, the lightning symbol, while in front of 
him is the Uayeyab idol or figure representing the year, upon whose head 
the torrents are descending, and upon whom the angry Tlaloc appears to be 
venting his wrath. If a supposition, hereafter more fully explained, that 
this figure represents Zamna, or corn, prove correct, the signification of 
what is here shown is at once clear. 

Above the head of the god, sailing through the air, is a batrachian, or 
frog-like animal, a symbol of abundant water. 

The large character in the middle, which has the inner space blank, 
was doubtless intentionally left so. I am unable to guess its meaning, 
unless it be a time symbol of some kind. The transverse line of partially 
obliterated characters at the top are similar to those found in the middle 
transverse line on Plates XX— XXIII, which probably have the same signifi- 
cation here as there. 

As before remarked, Plates XXVI and XXVII appear to belong 
together, and to refer to the milder and beneficial rains. 

In the upper division of the former we see Tlaloc, accompanied by his 
four Chacs, the latter without any marks of distinction, as here the inten- 
tion appears to be to represent "them as rain-givers only. The former is 
shown here in his usual blue color, but the scorpion-like caudal appendage 
is uncommon, and, taken in connection with the plate on the loins to which 
it is attached, is, as I believe, a time symbol of some kind. We notice 
that the claw at the tip ajjpears to clasp the single red numeral character 
surrounded by dots. In this space we also observe the symbols of the 
four cardinal points, one by each Chac.^ 

' I have been in considerable doubt as to whether these minor deities are Chacs or Bacabs, as 
there appears to bo much confusion in the writiugs of the old authors iu reference to them; but have 
decided to apjily the name Chacs to those which appear to bo related to the raiu gods. I think it proba- 
ble that the two terms apply to the same deities. 



106 A STUDY OF THE MANUSOlirPT TEOANO. 

The figures in the lower division of this phxte, I think, are easily inter- 
preted. Here is the cloud, or moisture, represented in the form of a serpent, 
with a Tlaloc head to denote its beneficial and fertilizing influence. Tlaloc, 
who has been riding upon it, now starts upon his descent to earth, bearing 
upon his back the symbol of abundance of food — a vase filled with corn 
and a vine loaded with fruit. 

I am aware that I have heretofore referred to the serpent as a* symbol 
of time, but this diversity in the application of this symbol has been recog- 
nized by others. Bancroft, after a thorough consultation of the numerous 
authorities in his extensive library, remarks, in speaking of the attributes 
of the Mexican god Huitzilopoctli : "Huitzilopoctli is also a snake god. 
* * * * If the snake signifies in one case time, in another world, and 
in another instance water, or the yearly rejuvenation of germs and blos- 
soms, the eternal circle of nature, divination, soothsaying, it is quite proper, 
for all these qualities are found united in the god." 

The figures in the upper division of XXVII are very similar in char- 
acter and signification to those just described. Here is the snake cloud 
floating along, the crimson underlining indicating either the lightning or 
the eff"ect of the setting sun. On the head stands Tlaloc, while he pours 
out the rain from the inverted vase in his hands. On another part stands a 
goddess, possibly Ixmol, also pouring the refreshing rain on the 'parched 
earth. 

The central figure in the lower division of this plate has already been 
alluded to and the conclusion reached that it is the female deity Xmic, the 
mountain, or mountain range, from which the rains of that region mostly 
come. The chief parts of the figures in this division may be thus explained: 
The blue lines, the rain flowing out from the skirts and down the sides ; 
the serpent, the embryo cloud on the summit, through whicli the lightning, 
represented by the red dots, is playing. Here we see the four Chacs, Avith 
their distinguishing marks upon them ; also Tlaloc, with a singular head- 
dress. 

From a careful study of these four plates I conclude that XXV pre- 
cedes XXIV, and that XXVII precedes XXVI, in other words, should pro- 
ceed to the left in the order paged. 



THOMAS] EXPLANATION OF FIGURES ON PLATE XXVIII. 107 

Plate XXVIII appears to relate somewhat to the same general subject 
as the preceding group just described, but is not so directly connected with 
them as they are with each other. It seems, in fact, to belong between this 
group and the one which follows (in the order of the paging), and appar- 
ently precedes the former. 

The chief objects of interest on this plate are the figures in the second 
and lower division. The larger figures either represent two deities closely 
allied and belonging to the same class, or are symbolic. As they are 
frequently met with throughout the Manuscript I presume they are recog- 
nized deities. In this place I think they represent the earth or soil, 
which, parched and dry in consequence of a severe drought, are here 
represented as looking up toward the heavens, as if supplicating rain upon 
the planted and sprouting maize, the emblems of which they bear in their 
hands. As will be noticed elsewhere, there are very strong reasons for 
believing that the lower figure, and probably both, repi-esent gods of death, 
or that they are symbols of death.- This agrees very well with the explana- 
tion I have suggested. The lower figure has in one hand the bread symbol, 
in the other that of sprouting corn. In the hands of that of the second 
division are smaller figui'es, bearing Kan characters, here doubtless used as 
corn symbols. 

These smaller figures with the two-colored face, which will be found 
frequently introduced on the next five plates, certainly represent something 
of the utmost importance in, or bearing a close relation to, Maya agriculture. 

Without stopping just here to give my reasons for the belief, I venture 
the opinion that they are here given as figures of the deity Zamna, or 
Itzamna, but with the — as I presume generally understood — idea, or belief, 
that Itsamna and maize were equivalents, or so closely related, that to figure 
this deity in connection with agricultural subjects was equivalent to figuring 
maize, or possibly seed in a broader sense. 

The blue, sei-pent-like figure with purple margin in the third division 
of this plate (XXVIII) is possibly intended as the symbol of a floating 
cloud. The chac in front, Tlaloc resting quietly on one of tlie curves, the 
blue color and purple lining all correspond witli this idea. But the Zamna 



108 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

figures and vegetable sprouts upon it do not agree with this interpretation. 
Still I believe it to be the idea intended. 

Plates XXIX-XXXIII appear to relate entirely to agricultural pur- 
uits, especially to the cultivation of maize, cacao, some vine, and possibly, 
cotton. 

In this connection I would call special attention to the first (top) and 
second divisions of Plates XXX and XXXI, and the two Tlaloc figures in 
the lower division of XXXIII In these we undoubtedly have the planting 
of seed, most likely corn, represented. The number of grains deposited in 
a place appears usually to be five, but occasionally six seem to be dropped. 
The opening or hole in the soil is made with a pointed wooden stick, always 
more or less bent or curved in the figures. According to Landa the custom 
of the native farmers was to make holes at regular intervals, and in each 
deposit "five or six grains" of maize. The number appears to be indicated 
in the plates, not only by the figures of balls dropped, but also by the spread 
fingers with knobs at the tips, showing that five was the established number. 
As further evidence of the correctness of this interpretation, the individuals 
represented on Plates XXX and XXXI, as engaged in this work, have their 
heads covered with a kind of matting or straw hat, indicating that they are 
in (he sun, where the head needs protection. The character in this head- 
gear, as will hereafter be shown, probably signifies ^^i^oc, "a hat" or "head- 
covering." 

The similar operation represented in the lower division of Plate 
XXXIII, where Tlaloc, or a priest attired as this deity, is the planter, 
probably refers to the seed of some other plant, possibly the gourd or bean, 
or the leguminous plant figured in the second division of the same plate. 

As I have expressed a belief that the figures with a two-colored face 
are given to represent Zamna, or Itzannia, one of the chief Maya deities 
or culture heroes, I will give here in part my reasons for this opinion. 

First. As has been heretofore intimated, and as will hereafter be more 
fully shown, the Imix and Kan symbols are undoubtedly often used to 
denote bread and maize, and the word, or name, Itzamna has as its primar}^ 
signification seed from which plants issue, the chief reference being to 
maize. 



THOMAS] THE ZAMNA FIGURES. 109 

Second. In the plates now under consideration the figures with the 
two-colored face appear to have some intimate relation to agricultural pur- 
suits. 

Third The Kan symbols and these figures are both represented as 
being attacked by quadrupeds, birds, and worms. 

For example, on Plate XXIX, left-hand figure of the second division, 
we see a bird picking up the planted seed before. it has sprouted; in the 
next figure to the right, same division, we see a small fox-like quadruped 
seizing it after it has sprouted; in the third division, same plate, and lower 
divisions of Plates XXX, XXXI, XXXII, and XXXIII, we see quadrupeds, 
birds, and worms attacking these supposed Zamna figures.^ In the latter 
cases the intention was probably to signify that the plant was attacked by 
these enemies. The figure in the lower left-hand corner of Plate XXX 
shows three worms at different heights, probably signifying that the root, 
foliage, and fruit were attacked. The symbol ca in the eye of this figure 
may be considered a symbol of the cultivated calabash, though it is proba- 
bly intended to signify that the plant (which I take to be a maize symbol) 
is dead, having been killed by the attacks of these insect foes. 

I am aware that the explanations here given may be considered as 
somewhat overstrained, yet I am convinced that a close and careful study 
of these figures and all that can be found relating to them will end in 
leading others to the same conclusion. I may also add that the difference 
in the plants or varieties represented by these figures (if such be their 
signification) is shown by the eye and the marks on the head-dress, which 
here appear to refer to foliage. Possibly these differences have reference 
only to the different kinds of corn, but this I think is indicated by the 
color. See, for example, Plate XXX, third division, the yellow and white. 

The peculiar birds in the third divisions of Plates XXX and XXXI 
may have reference to certain auguries; otherwise I can give no guess as 
to their meaninor. 

The next to the right-hand figure of the third division, Plate XXIX, 
probably represents some such plant as maguey, or yucca. 

The lower left-hand figiu-e of Plate XXXI I think simply represents 

1 The reader is referred to tlie quotation from Landa in reference to tlie ceremonies of the Cauac year 
(page 66). 



110 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

tlie act of watering the parched and dying maize plants. The Kan char- 
acter here bears a sprout, or plant, which appears to be drooping and dying. 
Although the figure holding the jar is Tlaloc, I think this represents artificial 
watering, and not rain. 

Plates XXXII and XXXIII appear to relate principally to the cultiva- 
tion of cacao, cotton, and some climbing plant, and to severe drought. 

The figures in the upper division I think relate to the cultivation of the 
cacao, either to the festival held specially by the planters, as described by 
Landa,'^ the particular part taken by them in the festival held to induce the 
gods to give them rain, or some incident in the process of cultivation. 

Landa, in his description of their special festival in the month Muan, 
states that "they gave to each of the officers a branch with the fruit of the 
cacao." This is doubtless represented by the figures holding branches in 
their hands. 

The figures in the second division of these two plates represent two 
different plants — one evidently a vine supported by a stake, just as grape 
vines are now supported, on Avhich hang what appear to be pods, possibly 
beans of some kind. The other plant has a fruit represented by a little 
circle surrounded by a ring of dots, possibly cotton. 

In the third division of these plates there are figures of fox-like ani- 
mals bearing torches and leaping over a sleeping Zamna figure and an 
incense-burner. In the place of the eye is a character resembling that for 
C or CJmen. It is possible that it here stands for the Maya word chocoti, 
"hot," or chocouul, "heat," and that the animal with the torches is a symbol 
of the scorching, burning heat of the sun." This idea agrees very well 
with what we see in the division above (second). The figures here appear 
to represent cultivated vines, which are parched and dying from the effect 
of heat and drought. The Tlaloc head at the foot of one of these shows 
that they are also to some extent symbolic. 

The third and fourth divisions of Plates XXXIV and XXXV evidently 
relate to painting the vessels, &c., alluded to by Landa, where he says that 

1 See Appendix No. 3. 

= 1 call attentiou here to L.aada's statemeut, heretofore quoted, iu reference to llie calamities to 
be expected in tlie Ix years, especially severe drongUts. Also to the f.act that an image of Zamna is 
introdnced in the festival. 



THOMAS] THE TITLE-PAGE. HI 

"during this month ( Yaxldn) tliey commenced to prepare themselves, accord- 
ing to custom, for a general festival vphich was celebrated in Mol, on a day 
which the priest designated, in honor of all the gods. They called it Oloh- 
sab-kam-yax. After the ceremonies and usual incensing which they wislied 
to do, they smeared with their blue paint the instruments of all the pro- 
fessions from those the priest used, even to their wives' spindle and the 
doors of their houses." Plere we see the priests dressed up to represent 
certain deities, with paint-pot in one hand and strip of yucca or maguey leaf 
in the other, applying the blue paint to their vessels (see Fig 25). 

The following statement, by Col. James Stevenson, regarding the 
method in use among the Zuni Indians in making and applying paints to 
their potter}^, will illustrate this: "When the pigment is properly reduced 
and mixed with water so as to form a thin solution, it is applied with brushes 
made of the leaves of tlie yucca. Tliese brushes are made of flat pieces of 
the leaf, which are stripped off and bruised at one end, and are of different 
sizes adapted to the coarse or fine lines the artist may wish to draw. In 
this manner all the fine lines on the pottery are produced." 

The figures in the upper division af these two plates perhaps represent 
priests with calendar wheels, determining the time at which the coming fes- 
tival shall be held. 

Those in the second division of Plate XXXV are probably in tlie act 
of preparing tlie paint. 

PART SECOND OF THE MANUSCRIPT. 

The title-page. — Althougli this is occupied almost wholly by characters, 
I think it is best to discuss its general import in this connection. 

One of the first things that strikes us as somewhat singular, and as 
having some hidden meaning, is the fact that there are ten transverse lines 
(the numerals are not considered separately from the characters to which 
they belong) and seven characters or groups of characters in each line, 
making seventy in all — exactly the number of plates in the Manuscript. 
This arrangement by sevens cannot be accidental, and must therefore have 
had some particular meaning understood by the author and those for whose 
use the work was composed. That it does not refer to any of their divis- 



112 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 

ions of time I think is clear from what has been shown concerning their 
calendar. When I first noticed this arrangement I was of the opinion that 
it indicated the number of different subjects treated of in the manuscript, 
and that the page should be considered in columns. But subsequent study 
has led me to doubt the correctness of the first part of this theory. 

We observe that the first (top) line consists of seven day characters as 
follows (counting from left to right as numbered): Ymix, Ik, Akbal, Kan, 
Chicclian, Cimi, and Manik. Two are obliterated, but there can be no 
doubt that the missing ones are Kan and Chlcchan, a conclusion I had 
reached before I had seen Rosny's work or Dr. Brinton's article. Brasseur 
supplied the fourth space with Ahau and the fifth with Kan. 

In this connection I call attention to the fact that on the left-hand slab 
of the Palanque Tablet there are just seven double characters under the 
large initiatory hieroglyph. Omitting the four characters by the upright of 
the cross, the number of columns is an exact multiple of seven, whether 
we omit or include the single ones in the transverse lines above the heads of 
the priests. 

Counting the large initiatory character as four — as it covers four spaces — 
and each double one as two, there are 245 characters on the entire tablet — 
an exact multiple of seven. It may be worthy of notice also that there are 
just seven characters in and immediately arovind the cross (included in the 
above calculation), viz, two on the upright, omitted in Dr. Eau's scheme; 
two each side, and one immediately to the left of the lower end of the arrow 
shaft (also- omitted in Dr. Rau's plan); that there are 17 (=10 + 7) charac- 
ters in each column of the outer slabs. 

This may be accidental, and, as a rule, but little confidence should be 
placed in such calculations; but this, taken in connection with what we find 
in this line in the Manuscript, is sufficient to lead us to believe that this 
septenary arrangement is not accidental, but intentional, and has some spe- 
cific, hidden meaning. 

The tablet on the inner wall of Casa No. 1 (Stephen's Cent. Am., II, 
343) has on it fourteen columns, each with ten characters, making 140 in 
all; but those on the outer corridor of the same casa have each twenty col- 
umns of twelve characters. The tablet of Casa No. 3, which appears to be 



THOMAS.) THE SEPTENARY ARRANGEMENT. 113 

closely related to the Tablet of the Cross, presents no such septenary 
arrangement, yet even here there are (counting long and short) seventeen 
columns, and in the extreme right and left columns jvist seventeen charac- 
ters. I find this arrangement by sevens frequently in the Mexican Codices, 
but in most of these cases it is apparent that this results from the division 
of 13, as a corresponding arrangement by sixes accompanies, or is to be 
understood. 

Returning to our plate, we may, as I think, make use of this septenary 
characteristic in determining some of the numerals that are partially oblit- 
erated. The red are sufficiently distinct except the missing ones in the 
upper line, in reference to which there is no question of doubt in the minds 
of students of this work; and the right-hand one of the line next to the 
bottom — the only question here being whether this is 18 or 19. Adding 
together all the numbers indicated by these red numeral charactei'S (includ- 
ing the seven in the upper line), we find the sum to be 153, if we count the 
right-hand one of the 9th line 18, or 154 if we count it 19. As the latter 
number (154) is an exact multiple of seven, we conclude that this character 
is 19, and this agrees with the eroded space and the position of the dots 
over the remaining portion. 

This septenary arrangement does not appear to hold good with the 
black numerals. 

Returning to the first or top line we observe, as before remarked, that 
it commences with Ymix According to Landa the Mayas began the com- 
putation of their days, that is, their calendar, with one Ymix. We quote 
his language here, as it is somewhat singular: 

"It is curious to note how the dominical letter [of the year] always 
comes up at the beginning of its year, without mistake or failing, and that 
none of the other twenty letters appears. They also used this method of 
counting in order to derive from certain letters a method of counting their 
epochs and other things, which, though interesting to them, does not con- 
cern us much here. It is enough to say that the character or letter with 
which they begin their computation of the days or their calendar is called 

one Ymix, which is this { "* J , which has no certain or fixed day on 

8 BI T 




114 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

which it falls. Because each one changes its position according to his own 
count; yet, for all that, the dominical letter of the j^ear which follows does 
not fail to come up coiTcctly."^ 

It appears that the Chiapenec, Tzendal, Soconuscan, Quiche, and Cak- 
chiquel calendar's began the list of days with Imox, following it with Ik or 
Igh. This fact indicates a common origin of the calendars and of the people. 
It also renders the statement of some of the old authorities, that the names of 
the days were taken from the names of their deities and heroes, quite plausi- 
ble. If this be true, we have possibly in the seven days here given the 
names of the seven chief deities ; and the characters on the page are to be 
read in columns, each column having at the top one of these sacred names. 
The characters in the second line appear to accord with this view, as the 
first four, counting from the left, are those which I have attempted to prove 
indicate the four cardinal points. As a further examination of this plate 
would require me to enter into a discussion of the characters themselves I 
will defer further notice until I reach that subject. . 

If the figures furnish us with any evidence by which to judge of the 
contents, I decide witliout any hesitancy that Plates I*-X* of this part of 
the work relate to one general subject, to wit, the work and festivals of the 
apiarists. We may be somewhat surprised to find so large a portion of the 
Manuscript devoted to the festivals of this limited class, whose industry was 
generally considered of but minor importance except in certain localities. 
But here again, as I believe, we detect the cunning of the priests. This was 
a scheme to supply their board with honey. Moreover, it is quite probable 
this Manuscript pertained to a section where the production of honey was 
an important industry. 

The objection to the theory that these plates relate to these particular 
festivals may be raised, that the insects represented by the figures on them 
are not bees, but beetles (coleopterous insects). 

iRelacion delas cosas de Yncatau, p. £36. Ymnelio denotar saiga sienjpre la letras que es domini- 
cal en el primevo dia do su auo, sin errar iii faltar, ui veuir a salirotra delas XX alii. TJnsavan tambicu 
deste niodo de eoutar para sacar destas lelras eierto inodo de contar para sacar destas letras cierto modo 
de coular que leniau para las edades y otxas cosas que aunque son para ellos curiosas, iio uos hazeu 
aqui niuclao al i)roposito; y por esso se quedarau cou dezir que el caracter o letra de que comenfava su 
cuenta de los dias o kaleudario, se llama Huu Yviix y es este el qual no tiene dia cierto ni seflelado 

enque craya. Porque cada uno le muda la propia cuenta y contado esso no falta el salir la letra qui 
vieue por dominical el jirimero del alio que se sigue. 



TH0MAS.1 THE BEES OP TUGATAK 115 

The wings and abdomen are, it is true, very much Hke the elyti-a and 
abdomen of beetles, but there are abundant reasons for believing that the 
opinion I have advanced here, which appears to have been held by Abbe 
Brasseur de Bourbourg, is correct. 

First. We find nowhere any reason for believing that beetles played 
an important part in the religious ceremonies of the natives of Yucatan. 

Second. We do know, from the most satisfactory evidence, notwith- 
standing the assertions of some writers to the contrar}^, that bees were 
abundant in some sections, and there is reason to believe that they were 
domesticated and reared for their honey; in fact, the collecting of honey 
appears to have been an important industry in some localities. I quote in 
proof of this statement from Clavigero, Vol. I, page 68: 

"There are at least six different kinds of bees. The first is the same 
with the common bee of Europe, with which it agrees, not only in size, 
shape, and color, but also in its disposition and manners and in the qualities 
of its honey and wax. The second species, which differs from the first only 
in having no sting, is the bee of Yucatan and Chiapa, which makes the 
fine, clear honey of Estabentim, of an aromatic flavor, superior to that of 
all the other kinds of honey with which we are acquainted. The honey is 
taken from them six times a year; that is, once in every other month; but 
the best is that which is got in November, being made from a fragrant 
white flower, like jessamine, which blows in September, called in that 
country Estabentun, from which the honey has derived its name. 

"The third species resembles in its form the winged ants, but is smaller 
than the common bee and without a sting. This insect, which is peculiar 
to warm and temperate climates, forms nests in size and shape resembling 
sugar-loaves, and even sometimes greatly exceeding these in size, which are 
suspended from rocks or from trees, and particularly from the oak. The 
populousness of these hives are much greater than those of the common bee. 
The nymphs of this bee, which are eatable, are white and round, like a 
pearl. The honey is of a grayish color, but of a fine flavor. The fourth 
species is a yellow bee, smaller than the common one, but, like it, furnished 
with a sting ; its honey is not equal to those already mentioned. The 
fifth is a small bee without a sting, which constructs hives of an orbicular 



116 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO. 

form in subterraneous cavities; and the honey is sour and somewhat bitter. 
The Tlalpipiolli, which is the sixth species, is black and yellow, of the size 
of the common bee, but has no sting." 

He also adds, in a foot-note on page 68, the following statement: "The 
honey of Estabentiin is in high _ estimation with the English and French 
who touch at the ports of Yucatan; and I have known the French of 
Gruarico buy it sometimes for the purpose of sending it as a present to the 
king." 

Landa, in speaking of these festivals, makes particular mention of bee- 
keepers, or keepers of beehives. 

Third. A careful study of these plates of the Manuscript I think will 
satisfy any one that the bee is the insect intended, although the figures are 
inexact. 

Take, for example, the yellow figure in the middle division of Plate 
V*. The hair indicates that this is a female, and the long tongue shows it 
has a sucking apparatus.^ There can be but little doubt that it is intended as 
a representation of the queen bee, or AhauIU-cab, "the queen of bees." 

As but few particulars in regard to the festivals of the apiarists have 
been recorded we have but little to guide us in an attempt to explain the 
figures in these plates. Landa states in reference to them that "In the 
month Tzos the bee-keepers (or masters of the hives) prepare themselves 
for the celebration of their festival in Tsec. * * * * They had for 
their patrons the Bacdbs, especially Hohnil. They made at that time great 
offerings, particulai-ly to the four Chacs, to which they presented four 
plates, with pellets of incense in each one and painted round the border 
with figures of honey [honeycomb I], in order to obtain an abundance by 
this feast."^ 

Some of the figures appear to relate to the operations and incfdents of 
the industry, as we have seen is true of those that refer to hunting and 
the hunters' festivals. We see here what appear to be their hives, either 
artificial — made for domesticated bees — or those cut from the tree contain- 
ing the honey of the wild bees. Notice, for example, the figure in the 
hands of the female in the right of the lower division of Plate V*. The 

' The bee is a niandibulate insect, lint has an elongated tongue for extracting the nectar of flowers. 
^See Appendix No. 3, E. 



THOMAS] EXPLAJfATION OF FIGURES ON PLATES IIP-IX*. 117 

upper part bears a different mark from the lower. The lower part is marked 
with the chief characteristics of the symbol for Cauac, which, as heretofore 
stated, when given in this way appear to signify that the thing npon which 
they are placed is made of wood. The characters on the upper portion 
resemble Caban, and here probably signify Cah, "honey," or Cabnal, "a 
hive of honey"; but it is proper to warn the reader that in other places, as 
will hereafter appear, it is used to denote the material of which a seat is 
made. I think it more than likely that here it refers to the vessel in which 
the honey is contained. I presume this to be the case, because the indi- 
viduals in the lower division of Plate IX* appear to have lifted the honey 
out of the vessel which lies at their feet ; and we also see on the arm of the 
individual at the left of the lower division of Plate V* a figure marked with 
this same character. As he has a staff in his right hand he is probably 
returning from a successful bee-hunt, bearing his prize. 

According to Landa the apiarists held two festivals during the year, 
one in the fifth month (Tzec), and the other in the eighth month (Mol); 
that is, in October and December. But according to the red and black 
numerals in these plates the one referred to appears to have been held 
annually, on the days Cib, Caban and Ezanab, in the 17th month — Kayab — 
corresponding to the first part of June. The female in the lower division 
of Plate V* is probably Golebil-Xbolon-choch, a goddess supposed to be the 
patron of the apiarists. 

I would also call attention to the following additional items on these 
plates which are worthy of notice. 

On Plate III*, upper division, next to the left-hand figure, we notice a 
kind of cross arising out of the body of a bee. On this cross are parts of 
a partially obliterated figure, which, upon close inspection, I decide with- 
out hesitation was that of a bird, reminding us of the bird on the Tablet of 
the Cross at Palanque and on crosses in several of the Mexican Codices. 
A foot, the tail, and parts of the wings are yet plainly visible. The right- 
hand figure of the same division also shows a plant in the form of a cross 
arising out of the body of a bee. I presume these relate to the requests to 
the gods for rain to make the plants produce flowers for the bees. 

The figure at the right of the middle division of the same plate, which 



118 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

I take to be the god of death, appears to be in the act of breaking a vessel 
of earthenware, which, as the presence of the cross-bones indicates, is 
intended to signify death. The cliaracter between the parts of the broken 
vessel probably signifies "divided" or separated. 

The figures along the lower margin of the middle division of Plates 
VII*, VIII*, IX*, and X* are chiefly representations of offerings made to 
the gods of the bee-keepers, as here we see the leg of a deer, bread, maize, &c. 

The broad rectangular red figures in the middle division of the plates 
last mentioned, and elsewhere, from which the bees are flying, may repre- 
sent hives which were suspended by cords. If not, I am wholly unable to 
guess their meaning. 

As I have not been able to group the remaining plates of the Manu- 
script in a satisfactory manner, I will content mj^self with referring to such 
figures as I think I can explain, without attempting, except in a few cases, 
to show their connection with others. 

The females and god of death figured on Plate XP appear to be 
weaving, or making ropes. The figures themselves indicate this so plainly 
as to leave no dou^bt in my mind in reference to it. Moreover, some of the 
written characters, as I think, correspond with this interpretation. 

It is probable the figures are also symbolic representations of human 
life. The female figure, I presume, is intended to represent the goddess 
Ixchel, who, in addition to her other powers or attributes, was supposed to 
preside over the formation and birth of infants. The interlaced or cross- 
hatched bundle before her accords with this idea, if m}^ interpretation of this 
reticulate figure be correct — that is, that it signifies sih^ or dhil, "birth" or 
"origin." 

The presence of the god of death so close at hand and the death sym- 
bol before him in the second division, and twice in the lower division, are 
doubtless intended to signify the uncertainty of human life. The Ezanab 
character on the head of this god in this place — as this is not usual — must 

'In wi'itiug Maya worJs I follow the oithograijhy of the lesicous, but iii referring to the signiii- 
cation am guided by what I sui)pose to have been the sound — for example, tz, z, and in some cases ch 
appear to be used to denote the same sound, or at least are the ruling elements of similar words having 
similar signification. As a matter of course the natives could make the distiuotions in their pronuncia- 
tion. I may also as well state here that I make no claim to a knowledge of the Maya language. I 
simply refer to the lexicons and grammar for such use as I desire to make of it in this paper. 



THOMAS) EXPLANATION OF PIGUEES ON PLATES XII*-XVII*. 119 

have some particular signification especially applicable to what is here sym- 
bolized. As some of the cognate words, especially where the aspirate is 
used, denote "certainty," it is possible that it is used here to signify the 
certainty of death. 

Plates XII* to XVII* undoubtedly relate to the manufacture of idols. 
In the second division of XIP (see Fig. 34) we see the artists painting 
them with the slip of yucca or maguey leaf, as described by Colonel Ste- 
venson, and also by Mrs. Stevenson in her admirable little pamphlet on the 
manners and customs of the Zuni Indians. 

In the third division we observe the priests consecrating the implements 
and the wood out of which their wooden idols are to be made. These 
plates, I think, refer to the manufacture of both kinds of idols, those of 
burnt clay and those of wood. The wooden block is here represented by 
the oblong figure with Cauac characters on it; the implement by the twisted 
figure on or against the block. My reasons for believing that this is a tool 
of some kind used in working wood is that in the third division of Plate 
XXIII*, I see it in the hands of individuals who are evidently doing some- 
thing to trees. The trees appear to be severed as though cut off by a rude 
saw of some kind. 

The figures in the second division of Plates XIII* and XIV* probably 
represent the idols in the kilns, or in their positions for baking; what the 
birds on them signify I am unable to say; possibly they relate to auguries. 

The figures of bent trees in the third and lower divisions of Plate 
XIII* may denote the temporary cabins in which they 
worked. 

The figures in the lower division probably represent what 
Landa alludes to when he says, "where they placed the wood 
with a great urn (tinaja) for to keep shut up (or inclosed) the 
idols all the time they were at work upon them."^ I'^ig. it. 

We see here the priests offering incense in a singularly shaped burner 
(Fig. 1 7) over these unfinished idols. 

The wood of which the images were formed was probably placed in 

' See Appendix No. 3 H. 




120 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

these urns and steamed, in order to soften it, or, after carving, to give the 
images themselves the desired color. 

The attention of the reader is called to the figures on which the indi- 
viduals in the upper division of this and of Plate XIV* are seated. The 
characters with which they are marked denote, as I believe, that they are 
wooden seats or platforms. 

In the left-hand compartment of the third division of Plate XIV* we 
see one of the priests, or artists, dressed to represent the god of death, pre- 
paring the paint. The other two figures in the same division show them at 
their devotions in their cabins. In the lower division they are at work 
carving the images. The peculiar form of the instrument here figured (see 
Fig. 35) leads me to believe it was of metal. 

In the upper division of Plate XV* are the "messengers," who were 
sent by the priests to procure the wood, with machetes in hand, chopping 
down the trees. Although Landa states that cedar alone was used in this 
work two difiPerent species of trees are evidently represented here, the black 
one doubtless the native ebony out of which their "black" images were 
carved. 

Division two of Plates XV* and XVI*, and division four of XVII* and 
XVIII*, represent the artists at work carving images, but here the machete 
is the chief implement used. 

The upper division of XVII* contains two groups of figures which I 
find it difiicult to interpret satisfactorily. I think these are symbolic repre- 
sentations, and not pictographs. The left group may possibly signif}^ that 
out of the earth (represented by the head in the lower left-hand corner) 
springs the tree (denoted by the curved beam with Cauac characters upon 
it); that it finall}^ produces a god (the figure at the top) to which the 
people and priests off'er incense and viands. If this be the true interpreta- 
tion it is a severe satire upon their worship, and reminds us strongly of the 
sarcasm of the prophet Isaiah on the religion of the idolaters of his day. 

The group to the right is possibly a figurative representation of a similar 
idea. At the base are two Tlaloc heads, emblems of fertility, out of which 
arises a tree an the form of a cross, on which is seated an idol. The plant 
probably signifies the " tree of life," or "life-giving plant." 



THOMAS.] EXPLANATION OF FIGURES ON PLATES XVIIP-XXI*. 121 

Similar crosses found in other Codices, with two indicated halves, denote 
the meeting of two periods of time — that is, the close of one period and the 
commencement of another; but it is doubtful whether any such idea is con- 
nected with this one. I think it has reference to the newly-formed god, as 
we see the priest here also presenting offerings. The character at the foot 
of the priest, according to what we have heretofore ascertained, denotes 
bread. In the third division we probably see the newly-made images in 
baskets, covered with cloth, as stated by Landa, whose description of this 
work will be found in Appendix No. 3, I. 

The persons represented in the upper division of Plate XVIII* are pierc- 
ing their ears and sprinkling the blood on tortillas, or on the sacred stones 
Acantun. 

In the upper division of Plate XIX*, and running over upon the i-ight 
margin of XX*, and in the second division of the former, we have, as I 
believe, a series of figures relating to one subject. The earnest desire of 
the Maya woman for posterity is a fact well known; it is also well known 
that to this end it was their custom to beseech the aid of their deities with 
earnest prayers. In this series of figures we see, I think, this custom rep- 
resented and its result. Commencing at the right of XIX* and moving 
toward the left, there is, first, the woman pleading with one deity, who turns 
his back upon her — that is, refuses to grant her prayer; the next one listens, 
but gives no favorable response; the third is more favorable; and now the 
first (shown again in the fourth figure) and the second (shown again on 
Plate XX*) are disposed to be gracious. 

In the second division is shown the result. Proceeding from the right 
towards the left we observe the tightening girdle; next, one strand broken 
and then the other. The figures on Avhich they are sitting are probably 
intended for mats. 

Although this series may have a general application it is possible that 
it refers also to incidents in the life history of some goddess, or noted female 
of the early days of the nation. 

The figures in the third division of XVIII* and XIX* may have some 
relation to the series first referred to; but, if so, I have not succeeded in 
finding it out. 



122 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

The lower divisions of XIX* and XX* are occupied with figures of 
women bearing burdens. The substance borne by three out of the eight is 
denoted by Kan figures, which, as I have heretofore intimated, represent 
maize. The two burdens indicated by death symbols possibly denote the 
bones or ashes of their dead; I think it likely some of them denotes cala- 
bashes, gourds, or some vegetable of this kind. 

This "death symbol," as I have called it, may also be used as the 
symbol of some such vegetable product, especially as there are one or two 
Maya words of similar sound that signify calabash, gourd, &c. The right- 
hand figure of XX* is carrying something which probably denotes squashes, 
and the two at the right of XIX* their lares and penates. 

The figures in the third division of Plate XX* (see Fig. 86) form the 
sequel to the first and second of XIX*, but we are not to understand this as 
representing baptism,^ as the sprinkling is not performed by a priest, nor is 
there a priest present; but rather as ordinary ablutions 

The two figures in the left compartment, upper division of XXI*, are 
undoubtedly time symbols. The triangular Ezanab character in front of 
the Chac probably denotes the close of a luster or Cycle, as this is the last 
of the intercalated days of the Ix 37ears. The circles on the curved figure 
may signify years or Ahaues. 

The females in the lower divisions of XXI* and XXII* appear from 
their hair to be young unmarried persons, who are probably praying unto 
the gods, represented by the idols before them, to give them husbands, or 
to grant some special favor. 

The upper division of Plates XXIII*-XXVIII* appear to relate 
to warfare. On Plate XXVII* we see the victors returnino-, leading- their 
prisoners and captured animals, singing and dancing as they move along. 
By the wayside is one of the slain enemies being devoured by a vulture. 
Here the priest is seen also with his captive, but, as might be expected, it 
is a woman. 

On XXVI* and XXV* we see the prisonei's delivered into the hands of 
the priests to be sacrificed. Holding by the hair, as here shown, appears 

'As to the Maya baptism, see the quotation from Lamia's Relacion and Trauslation, Appendix 
No. 5. 



THOMAB] EXPLANATION OF FIGUEES ON PLATES XXIIP-XXVIII*. 123 

always to indicate that the individual is to be sacrificed. Repeated exam- 
ples may be found in the Mexican Codices. 

On tlie former there is also the figure of a bird plucking the eye out 
of one of the slain; but here, as I think, something more is intended than 
simply that a vulture is devouring a dead man. The peculiar eye and 
black body show very clearly that this is the same bird as that on the right 
in the upper division of Plate XXVIII*. In the latter we see the figures 
of two birds in deadly conflict. What is the meaning of this pictui-e? I 
believe it is a kind of pictograph, somewhat similar to those drawn by 
modern Indians, and that it signifies a battle between two tribes, represented 
by tliese two birds. The bird with the red circle around the eye denotes 
that tribe to which tlie author of the Manuscript belonged, and which, as a 
matter of course, was victorious. This is shown by the figure on Plate 
XXVI* previously referred to. As further evidence of this we see the 
other bird a captive iii the hands of the individual at the right hand of the 
upper division of Plate XXIII*. 

On Plate XXIV* we observe the god of the conquered tribe a captive 
in the hands of the deity of the victors, and in front of them a soldier run- 
ning away with captured spoils, and the priest with the captured woman. 
On Plate XXIII* is the figure of a Chac firing the dwellings of the con- 
quered village. The last-mentioned figure is the one Brasseur intei'preted 
as signifying the craters of a double volcano. 

The reader is not to understand that I claim that the order in which 
these figures are mentioned is that in which they should come, nor is it 
claimed that they denote here a real battle, as it is probable they represent 
only a kind of play enacted during some festival; yet there is doubtless an 
allusion to some real battle or war. My principal reason for believing it 
rejDresents only a play is the significant absence of Aveapons. 

The following account of the celebration of a Pipil victory is taken 
from Bancroffs Native Peaces : 

"When information was received from their war chief that he had 
gained a victory, the diviner ascertained to which of the gods sacrifice was 
to be made. If to Quetzalcoatl, the ceremony lasted fifteen days, and upon 
each day they sacrificed a prisoner. These sacrifices were made as follows: 



124 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 

All those who had been in the battle returned home in procession, singing 
and dancing, bringing with them the captives who were to be sacrificed, 
their wrists and ankles decorated with feathers and chalchiuites and their 
necks with strings of cacao-nibs. The high-priests and other ministers 
went out at the head of the populace to meet them with music and dancing, 
and the caciques and captains delivered over those who were to be sacrificed 
to the high-priests. Then they all went together to the court-yard of their 
tuepa or temple, where they continued dancing day and night during the 
time the sacrifices lasted. In the middle of the court was a stone bench on 
which the victim, was stretched, four priests holding him by the feet and 
hands. The sacrificing priest then came forward, adorned with many 
feathers and loaded with little bells, holding in his hand a flint knife, with 
which he opened the breast of his victim, tore out the heart, brandished it 
toward the cardinal points, and finally threw it into the air with sufficient 
force to cause it to fall directly in the middle of the court, saying, 'Receive, 
God, this thank-offering for the victory.' This sacrifice was public and 
beheld by all the people." 



CHAPTEE V. 

SYMBOLS, PICTOGRAPHS, AND OTHER FIGURES WHICH CAN- 
NOT BE PROPERLY CLASSED AS WRITTEN CHARACTERS. 

Before attempting to explain any of the written characters I will notice 
some other figures which are true pictures, but were not specially alluded 
to when speaking of the figm-es in the spaces ; others which may be classed 
as pictographs, and some which appear to be true symbols. 

Foot-prints. — These appear to have two or three different significations 
in the various manuscripts. 

First. A journey made, denoting not the road, but the fact that some 
one has passed on in a given direction, that a journey has been partly or 
completely accomplished. This use is common in some of the Mexican 
Codices. 

Second. That so many periods of time have elapsed. This appears to 
be their signification on Plates 34 to 38 of the Borgian Codex and Plates 
25 to 28 of the Dresden Codex. 

Third. To denote movements to be made during certain religious fes- 
tivals. This appears to be one object of their use in the Manuscript Troano, 
as, for example, on Plates III and VI. Another is to indicate journeyings. 

The machete or hatchet (hat in Maya) is represented in the Manuscript 
in two forms (Fig. 1 8, a and h). As it is not likely the artist intended to be 
strictly accurate in minor details, his only desire being to represent the 
implement with sufficient exactness to insure its recognition, we may not be 
warranted in assuming that these two forms indicate a difference in the 
hatchets. The one marked a may be the conventional figure, and h an 

125 



126 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 



'c^ 




« 



Fig. 18. 



attempt at true pictorial representation; yet I suggest as possible that the 
latter, which was used in carving the Avooclen images, may represent the 
copper ax and the other the stone ax. Landa (Relacion §XXIX) says: 
"They had little hatchets of a particular metal of this 
form [Fig. 18c]. These they adjusted to a handle of 
wood; in combat these served them as an arm; they were 
also instruments used in tvorhing wood." 

The S2)ear or dart, and one method of throwing it, is 
shown in Fig. 13 (page 96), heretofore referred to. I judge 
from this that a kind of hook or hand ballista was used to 
give it more force. Something similar is shown frequentl}^ 
in the Mexican Codices and, according to Valentini, on the 
Berlin stone. The instrument in the other hand may be a 
stick with a notch in it to guide the dart; the only reason 
for doubting this is the bent form given the one figured on 
the next plate. 

The usual form of the spear as given in the Manuscript is shown in 
Fig. 19a. This often has the head marked with the trembling cross similar 
to that in Ezanab, probably denoting that it 
was made of flint. ■»_ 

The arrow, if such it be (as no bow is 
found in the Manuscript), is generally figured 
with the head in this form (Fig. Idh), indi- 
eating, if truly represented, that a flint was Fig. 19. 

thrust into the split end of the shaft in the usual way ; the other end of the 
shaft was surrounded by two feather whirls. Possibly these are darts 
thrown by hand and not arrows. 

I have been somewhat surprised to find nothing in this work indicating 
warfare, unless it be the figures which I have heretofore interpreted as 
probably representing a play. Herrera, speaking of the expedition of Cor- 
dova (Dec. 2, Bk. 1, chap. 3), says that, while at Cotoche, "there appeared 
a multitude [of Indians] in armor made of quilted cotton, with targets, 
wooden swords having edges of flints, large cutlasses, spears, and slings 



m^ 



THOMAS] SYMBOLS AND PIOTOGEAPHS. 127 

* * * * pouring in at the same time such a shower of stones and arrows 
that they wounded fifteen Spaniards." 

Bernal Diaz, from whom Herrera evidently quotes, says: "Tliese war- 
riors were armed with thick coats of cotton, and carried besides their bows 
and arrows, lances, shields, and slings."^ 

Landa (Eelacion §XXIX) says their offensive weapons were bows and 
arrows, which they bore in a quiver, the latter made of reeds and having 
the points armed with obsidian or fish-teeth, and very sharp. "They had 
little. hatchets of a particular metal," heretofore referred to, "which, in com- 
bat, served them as an arrri." " They also had lances a tois [fathom] in 
length, armed at the end with a silex head, very hard. And they had no 
other arms." 

Figures in red, like that shown in Fig. 20 (the little squares only are 
alluded to), are found in a number of places in the Manuscript. 
Brasseur interprets them as symbols for cab, "honey " or "honey- 
comb." The connection in which they are found I think 
proves that he is correct. We find elsewhere, as in the char- 
acter for Cauac, and on articles made of wood, a similar figure, 
usually smaller, outlined in black, but never colored. Attention will be 
called to this hereafter. 

A figure like that shown in Fig. 21 is also found on several plates 

Fig. 21. Fig. 22. Fig. 23. Fig. 24. 

of the Manuscript, but never in the Codex. Sometimes it is in the hands 
of a priest, but in a few instances it seems to be used as a character or 
symbol. Brasseur's interpretation is nen or "mirror"; but this I think is a 
mistake. It is more probable that it is a figure of the calendar wheel men- 
tioned by Landa. 

Mortars used for preparing paints are represented in two forms (see 
Figs. 22 and 23): their 2)(iint-pots as in Fig. 24. 

On Plate XXXIV we observe the priests in the act of painting blue 
that which is here shown (Fig. 25), which is probably a little adoratorio 

' Hist. — Keating's Traiisl. p. 4. 





128 



A STUDY OP THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO. 



baldachin or place in which their idols were seated in their temples. Some- 
thing similar is also found elsewhere in the same work. 

Houses, cabins, and other buildings, even temples in which their idols 
were placed, appear usually to be represented in the 
Manuscript by such figures as shown in cuts 26, 27, 
28, and 29. 

These, as will be seen by comparison, are really 
but slight variations from theMexican conventional 
symbol for a house (calli). 

The side wall in Fig. 29 appears to be com- 
posed of blocks of some 
kind placed one upon 
another, probably of 
stone, each bearing the 
Muluc character. Mol, 
the rootfrom which most 
of the words commenc- 
ing with mol and mid 
are derived, signifies "a 
group of things united or congregated one upon another,'' but without refer- 
ence to the material of which they are composed. It is true that in this 
house we see the figure of a bee, and might therefore suppose it represents 
the place whei'e the hives were kept, but the ofiiciating priest in front leads 

us to believe it denotes a temple of some kind in 
which the ceremonies of the apiarists' festival were 
performed. The character at the top of the wall 
with a cross in it, somewhat resembling that in the 
symbol for Esanah, is very common in these figures. 
This probably marks the end of the beam which 
was placed on the wall to support the roof. I so 
conclude because I find that it is wanting in the 
lighter and temporary dwellings, represented in Fig. 28. The interpreta- 
tion of the character as here used is doubtful. The curved line running 
from this to the top portion probably represents the rafter; the slender 





Fig. 25. 



Fig. 26. 




Fig. 27 



HOUSE SYMBOLS. 



129 



thread-like lines (yellow in the original) the straw or grass with which the 
roof was thatched. 

The checkered part may repi'esent a matting of reeds or brushwood, 
on which the straw was placed. 

The following extract from Landa will give an idea of the form and 
structure of the ordinary dwellings of the people as seen by him: 

"habitations of the MAYAS. 

"The manner of building the houses in Yucatan was to cover them 
with straw, which they had in abundance and of good quality, or with 
leaves of the palm trees, well suited to this pur- 
230se. Thy raised the roof, giving it a consider- 
able pitch, in such a manner that the rain could 
not penetrate it. A wall was tlien erected in 

the center, dividing the 

house lengthwise, leaving 

in this wall some doors 

for communicating with 

the part which was called 

the back of the house, 

where they had tlieir 
beds; the other part was carefully whitewashed with lime. In the houses of 
the nobles these walls were covered with pleasant pictures. It was in this 
part that thej received and lodged their guests. 

"This side had no doors, but was open the whole length of the house, 
the roof descending very low, in order that it might be a shelter from the 
sun and rain. It is also said that this was to render himself master of the 
enemy inside^ in time of necessity. 

"The common people built at their expense the houses of the nobles, 
and as they had no doors it was regarded as a grave fault to make the least 
error in the houses of others. 

"They had formerly at the back a small door for the use of the com- 
mon people. 





Fici. '28. 



Fig. 29. 



' The passage is very difficult and the rendering doubtf nl. 



!) :\r T 



130 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

"For sleeping-places they had bedsteads made in a trellis of canes, 
covered with mats, and on these they stretched themselves covered with 
their clothes of cotton. During the summer they usually slept on the front 
extended on their mats, principally the men."^ 

What is shown in Fig. 26 possibly represents a small wooden adoratorio, 
niche, or canopied seat, in which we see an idol. I judge the side wall to 
be wooden by its form and by the characters on it. That these characters 
are used to signify wood, and possibly a particular species, I think is evident 
from the following facts : Running through the Manuscript we first observe 
them in this figure on what we may justly assume to be an upright wooden 
beam. We see the crosses or XX on what are evidently the ends of beams 
in the upper division of Plate IX; and in another figure (Plate XXII*), 
intended to represent the same thing, we see on the ends of tlie beams both 
the squares and crosses. They are also on a tree in the right of the upper 
division of Plate XV*. 

In the last-mentioned figure we notice that the tree is severed by a 
machete or hatchet in the hands of a priest representing the god of death. 
In the upper divisions of Plates XIII and XIV the same character is on 
the benches upon which the personages are seated. The blocks, boxes, 
hives, or whatever they may be, in the first division of Plate IX*, and the 
blocks in the hands of the individuals figured in the middle division of 
Plate XXII* are marked with the same character. 

The widely different forms and the diversity of uses to which the 
things bearing this character are applied make it evident that if the char- 
acter refers at all to the thing on which it is placed, it must be to the sub- 
stance. As it is found, in some cases, on figures that we know must repre- 
sent trees, the necessary conclusion is that it denotes wood. Whether it is 
meant as a general term, or applies to a particular species, is a question I 
am vmable to answer with certainty. 

I will call attention to the character itself and its probable interpreta- 
tion a little furtlier on. 

The houses shown iu Plate XVI* (see Fig. 28) are probably the tem- 
porary cabins mentioned by Landa in which the artists manufactured their 

'Landa's Eelacioii, pp. 110 and 111; see Appendix No. 4, where the original is? <;iveu. 



HOUSE SYMBOLS— ROPE-MAKING. 



131 



wooden idols. We observe that the character with the cross is wanting, and 
hence presume that the walls were too slender to bear the weight of a beam. 
They were probably built of slender poles or of canes, as was common in 
Guatemala, and covered perhaps with palm-leaves. 

Instead of the figures at the top always being marked in the peculiar 
manner which I have supposed to indicate matting, it is sometimes marked 
with bent lines, similar to those on the figures representing cords or ropes. 
On some of the plates, as, for example, XIII* and XIV*, the figure of 
a bent tree appears to be used to denote a dwelling of some kind, possibly 
only a temporary booth. It is true figures of this kind are given in a num- 
ber of other places for a very different purpose, as on Plates VIII to XIII, 
where they are used to represent the method of capturing deer; but a little 
examination will show a marked difference between the two kinds. 

If I am correct in reference to the houses, then it is probable the 
Manuscript relates to a section of country where the dwellings and the 
temples were of a primitive character. 

But few houses or dwellings are represented in the Dresden Codex. 
In the lower division of Plate 8 there are figures of two, one of which is 
\ \.^(yLy^l \ copied in our Fig. 30. These may represent temples placed 
on pyramids or elevated platforms ascending by steps, as in- 
dicated in the figure. 

The different forms of their vases 
are given in our Plates I-IV (Ms. 
XX-XXIII). 

The leg of a deer, to which allusion 
has already been made, is shown by 
the 5^ellow figure with a double, white 





Fig. 30. 



Fig. 31. 



band and black tips in the upper left-hand corner of the lower division of 
Plate I (Ms XX). 

The machine or apparatus used for, and the method of making, ropes 
or cords, is represented on Plate XI* and in our Figs. 31 and 32. The first 
(Fig. 31) shows the method of preparing the material. Strips of tlie sub- 
stance used, probably the iiuier bark of some tree, or aloe fiber, is placed 
on a bench of the form shown, which has pieces extending upward from 



132 



A STUDY OP THE MANUSCRIPT TKOANO. 



the sides, so as to retain the strips in position. A kind of hand hackle is 
then used, as shown in Fig. 31, to sht them to the proper fineness. After 
some process not given, we next find the material rolled into a ball. The 

next process, that of twist- 
ing into the rope or cord, 

is represented in Fig. 32. 

A few feet having been 

twisted by hand, the end 

is fastened to a little tree 

or stump, the ball of ma- 





FlG. 32. 



Fig. 33. 



terial is placed in a vessel or on a stool, while by means of a spatula-shaped 
instrument, doubtless of wood, the twisting is carried on. It is probable 
the implement is used simply to turn the ball, while the person at work 
gradually moves backward. 

The idols, while in the process of manufacture, are usually represented 
by the heads only; those not yet painted or ornamented, without any other 
lines than those necessary to show the parts or organs, as in Fig. 33, which 
shows also the method of carving (see Plate XV*); those which are painted 

or ornamented (Fig. 34). 
One of the implements 
used by them in carving 
their wooden images, I 
judge from its form, as 
\^__dj %J jg shown in Fig. 35, was me- 
tallic. 

*''*5- ^*- Cloth is usually indi- 

cated by cross-hatching, as shown in the dresses of the females on Plates 
XVIII*, XIX*, and XX*; rain and falling water by slender, usually waved 
blue lines, as on Plates XXIV-XXVII. In the third division of Plate 
XX* the lines are blue, but not waved. Blood is shown by slender, 
waved red lines, as in the upper division of Plates XXII and XVIII*. 

A utensil or implement is represented on Plates XXI* and XXII* by 
a figure similar to our Fig. oii, the lower end always black, as shown in the 
figure. It was held by the middle or circular portion, the fingers of the 





THOMAB. I 



IMPLEMENTS AND SYMBOLS. 



133 





Fui. 35. 



hand being thrust through the hole. I am unable even to surmise its use. 
In four instances it stands behind a priest, who is in a squatting posture and 
appears to be holding bread oi- maize in his hand and performing some 
religious ceremony. In two instances it is in the hand 
of a priest clothed in black, a^id in a similar 
posture, who holds it in front of him. In all 
cases it extends as high as the top of the liead, 
and tlie curved ends turn from the person. 

A very suigular implement (Fig. 37) is 
figured in the third division of Plate XXIII*. 
It appears from the figures in the plate to r'lo- ^O- 
have been held, while in use, in the right hand, which grasped the hoop 
at a. Its use can only be guessed by the connection in which it is found. 
In each case it is held up beside a tree, which appears to have been sev- 
ered at the point immediately opposite, the top not yet fixllen down. On 
the severed end of one we see the supposed death symbol. From these facts 
I infer that it was used as a kind of saw, though it is possible it 
was employed in peeling the bark from the trees used in the manu- 
facture of their wooden idols. If used as a saw, which I think 
most likely, the teeth were probably flint chips, fastened to the 
hoop by strings or thongs. A fact worthy of notice is that the ^''■'^- ^''• 
figure immediately following (or preceding) these in the third division 
of Plate XXIV* shows the use of the machete in felling trees, but here the 
evident intention is to represent a much larger tree, as shown by the diam- 
eter and three branches, a tree also of a diff'erent species. 

An implement of the form shown in Fig. 38 is represented in the mid- 
dle division of Plate XXXI*. As this appears from the figure 
in the plate to be used by the individual in whose hands it is 
held to sever the cord which he also grasps, I pre- 
PJ^^~1 sume it is a cutting instrument, probably of flint. 

The personage represented by the right-hand figure ffJn'-^ >— .'-.^ 




/VVv^A>;) 



Fig. 38. 



h 
Fig. 39. 



in this division is the god of death, and the death 
symbol is in the same compartment; therefore it is presumable that the 



134 



A STUDY OP THE MANUSOKIPT TJROANO. 





whole is intended as a symbolic representation of death cutting the thread 
of liuman life. 

On Plate XIX*, and elsewhere, the figures on which the individuals 
are seated are mai-ked as shown in our Fig. 39". According to Brasseur's 
interpretation these signify "mats." In this I 
think lie is undoubtedly correct. He asserts that 
Fig. 39'' also denotes a mat, but this I think 
doubtful, as I find it on cords, or ropes, and on 
the roofs of houses ; possibly in the latter case 
it may represent a kind of matting. 
Fig. 40. Prisoners are usually represented here, as y^, 41. 

in the Mexican Codices, with their long hair in the grasp of their captors 
or executioners. 

Fig. 40, found on Plate XXV*, probably shows the form either of 
the bat used in idaying ball or of a fan. Fig. ^„„^ 
I Ml ^^' copied from Plate XX*, undoubtedly repre- n/y/>y/y^yyry^ 
' '' sents one of their bird-cages, as in it, in the fig. 43. 

original, there is a captive bird. The opening appears to have 
been at the bottom. To the top were attached cords, by which 
to carry it. 
Fig. 42, found on Plate XXXII*, and elsewhere, I think 
represents a Idock of wood to be used in the manufacture of 
an idol or some temple implement. fig. 45. 

Fig. 43, found frequently in the Manuscript, is doubtless the leaf 
of the mimosa or some similar plant. Fig. 44 — see 
|!yv^(vO*»if„."^^N, Plate XXIX* — may possibly repre- 
sent a kind of tapestry or curtain 
hung over the doors or openings of \V. 
the interior rooms of the temples. 
The interlacing and the square notches 
at the bottom show that it is some 
kind of cloth. 

Fig. 45, found so frequently on 



Fiu. 42. 





Fig. 44. 



Fig. 46. 



the heads of individuals, I think, as heretofore intimated, is a time symbol 



TH01.A8.] IMPLEMENTS AND SYMBOLS. 135 

signifying the "tying of the years," and hence a period, as a luster, or 
Katun, or possibly the joining of two years. 

The conic figure (Fig. 46), always found in the mouth of an individual, 
I take to be a cigar {cliamal). On Plate XXVI* it is represented with the 
larger end black at the tip, and red behind this for a short distance, which, 
together with the dotted lines representing smoke, show that it is on fire.^ 

' The figure is not exactfy correct, as it shows a narrow ring at the end of the cigar, white, with 
a broader black ring behind it. The white ring should be hlaclc and the black ring simply shaded to 
represent the red portion. 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE WRITTEN CHARACTERS OF THE MANUSCRIPT. 

It is not my intention at present to enter into a general discussion of 
the ancient Maya writings, as this will be found in the introduction by Dr. 
Brinton. On the contrary, I shall confine myself as strictly as possible to 
an examination of the characters found in this, occasional reference to the 
Dresden Codex and the inscriptions on the ruins being made only for com- 
parison and illustration. 

The interpretation of these written characters is, as a matter of course, 
the chief, though not the only object of our research and examination. 
Although my progress in this direction has been limited, yet I trust the 
result will show that I have made some positive advance. 

In discussing these characters there are some preliminary questions to 
be considered, which, if satisfactoi-ily answered, may aid us in the attempt 
to decipher them: 

First. The direction in which they are to be read. 

Second. The order in which the parts of the compound characters are 
to be taken. 

Third. Whether they are, in any sense, phonetic. 

THE DIRECTION IN WHICH THEY ARE TO BE READ. 

Brasseur de Bourbourg, influenced by the direction in which the 
figures appear to bo moving and in which the faces are turned, whicli, in 
nearly all cases, is toward the left, concludes that the writing must be read 
by lines from right to left, and by columns from the bottom upward. His 
attempt at deciphei'ing was made upon this theory, which I believe he sub- 
sequently confessed to be an error, although still retaining his theory in 
reference to a great geological cataclysm. 

Mr. Bolloert^ followed the same method, reading from the bottom 
upwards and from right to left. 

'Exam, of Ccut. Am. Hior., p. 306. 
136 



THOMAS.] OKDBR IN WHICH THE CHARACTERS ARE TO BE READ. 137 



Dr. Briuton^ suggested reading by columns, first down, then up, com- 
mencing with the right-hand column. 

Rosny believes the characters should be read from left to right. 

Wilson believed the inscriptions were to be read in columns from top 
to bottom, and the manuscripts from left to right. 

Mr. Holden appears to have arrived at the conclusion, by his method 
of examination, that the inscriptions are to be read from left to right. 

It is probable that no conclusion on this point will be entirely satisfac- 
tory until the characters are interpreted; still I think we can find means of 
determining it with reasonable, if not absolute, certainty without waiting 
for them to be deciphered. 

The large character at the upper left-hand corner of the Palenque 
tablet we may safely assume is there used much in the same way as we 
use capital letters, and hence that the inscription is to be read either in 
columns, from the top downwards, or in lines, from left to right. 

But we find more direct evidence on the point in the Manuscript itself. 
I have shown, as I think conclusively, that the day columns, at least, 
are to be read from the top downwards. The natural inference, therefore, 
would be that the other characters are to be read in the same wa}^. But 
there are good reasons for believing that, although the usual method of 
writing was in columns, horizontal lines were by no means imcommon. 
Turning to Plate XIV (our Fig. 16) we find, in the middle and lower divis- 
ions, a series of columns composed of the same characters, except the ones 
at the top and at the bottom. Three of these columns may be represented 
by letters, thus: 



m. 


1>- 


w. 


b 


b 


b 


c 


c 


c 


d 


d 


d 


7 


12 


9 


f 


h 


g 



Aucicut Pliouct. AlpLaljct of Yucatau, p. G. 



138 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 



It is hardly possible that this should be read in Hnes, as iu this case 
entire lines would consist of a single character repeated. If we suppose 
these groups to be ritualistic formulas, as they probably are, and to be read 
in columns, the change in the first and last characters would be consistent 
with this idea. 

Turning to the lower division of Plate XV, shown in Fig. 47, we find 




Fig. 47. 



the characters arranged as here represented. Here are two short columns 
on the right and two on the left (day column not counted), evidently short- 
ened to allow space for the figures of deer which are inserted there. 

Using letters to illustrate, repeating those that represent similar char- 
acters, and placing as in the plate, we have this arrangement. In order to 



h 


a 


h 


I 


m 


to 


a 


r 


n 


a 

r 


a 
r 


a 

r 


r 


s 














1> 


h. 


t 




« 



make my meaning clear I have used real words: First, ham; second, har2); 



TH0MA6.] OKDEK 11^ WHICH THE CHARACTERS ARE TO BE READ. 139 



third, lark; fourth, mart; fifth, ivars ; a corresponding with the character 
1, and r with the character 2. 

In the middle and lower divisions of Plate XIX we 

^ • have also examples of this method of changing columns 

2. into lines. As I will have occasion to refer to this plate for 






Fig. 4f<. 



140 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TKOANO. 



other purposes the two divisions are copied entire in Fig. 48. In eacli 
division (not counting the day columns) there are four groups, each of four 
compound characters, the first and second being ahke. If we represent 
them by letters, and arrange the letters in the same order as the characters. 



h 


a 


h 


h 


a 


h 


r 


h 


a 
n 


r 


h 


a 
I 














d 






t 



they would stand thus in the middle division (the upper one in our figure). 
We see by this that the first and third columns being shortened are changed 
into two lines, just as the first and last in Fig. 47, so that what followed 
downwards in the column follow from left to right in the lines. Plates VI*, 
XI*, XV*, and some others furnish similar examples. 

Although we cannot claim that this furnishes absolute proof of the 
direction in which these lines and columns are to be read, yet it will proba- 
bly satisfy any reasonable mind tliat the columns are to be read from the 
top downwai'ds, following each other from left to right, and that the lines 
are to be read from left to right, following each other from the top down- 
wards; also that the usual method is in columns. 

THE ORDER IN WHICH THE PARTS OF COMPOUND CHARACTEES ABE TO BE TAKEN. 

This and the other question, "Are these characters in any sense pho- 
netic?" are so intimately connected that I will not attempt to discuss them 
separately. 

The day and numeral characters have already been given, and so often 
referred to that by this time the reader must be familiar with them. The 
characters for the months, as found in Landa's work, have also been given, 
and it only remains for us, therefore, to present Landa's hieroglyphics of 
the Maya letters (Fig. 49) in order that the reader may have before him 
the entire key with whicli we have to work in our attempt to decipher the 
Maya manuscripts. 

A comparison of the three groups of characters (days, months, and 



THOMAS.] 



LANDA'S LETTER CHAEAOTEES, 



141 



letters), using the significations given by Lancia, will suffice to convince any 
one that it is impossible to form the day from the letter characters, even 
allowing the widest latitude in the representation of sounds. 

Take, for example, the character for 3£uh(.c, as compared with those for 
m and /; Aliau, as 
compared with those 
for a, h, and u; Kan, 
as compared with h 
and n; Chicchan, as 
compared with c, h, 
and 11 ; Ezanah, as 
compared with e, z, n, 
and b, &c. 

But it does not 
necessarily follow 
from this that Landa 
was wholly mistaken. 
The days may have 
retained tlieir charac- 
ters as symbols from 
more ancient times, 
before any approach 
to phonetic elements 
had been made, and hence might not present any of these elements. 

As we find some of these day symbols on the Palenque Tal)let, which 
is probably much older than the Manuscript, we have some foundation for 
this supposition. Another ground for tliis supposition is that we have good 
reason for believing that some at least of these characters are used in the 
Manuscript and Codex as denoting something quite different from the days 
they rejjresent, or that which the name of the day signifies. 

Notwithstanding this, there are some of the day and month characters 
in which we can detect, beyond doubt, some of the letter elements, showing 
them to be to a certain degree at least phonetic. For example, the charac- 
ter for CrtJ/ffC diff'ers but slightly from that for cm (quf); CJnicii and Tzec 




X 

(dj or dz?) 



o-H-o 



U^?) 



n 



HA 


MA TI 


Sign of 




(me, mo?) 


Aspiralion, 


Fig. 49.- 


— Landa's Maya Alpbabch 





142 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 

contain the main elements of c; Cimi (Kimi) those of k; in Po}) or Poop 
(Poob) we see the character for h; in Zac, both s and cu; In CuniJm, cu and 
some elements of -m; in Kayeb, k; &c. 

Comparing the days and months with each other, we can occasionally 
detect similar elements where there are similar sounds. In both Chicchan 
and Pax we see the Interlacing, or cross-hatching, and in both the sound 
cJi: In Blanik and Men the three parallel strokes, possibly m or n; we also 
observe similar strokes in Ymix. 

After we have carried this comparison to its utmost extent the number 
of cases where we find such resemblances in form where there is a similarity 
in sound are so few, compared with those in which we do not, that we are 
forced to abandon, at least to a great extent, the attempt to decipher the 
writings of the Manuscript by the use of these letter characters upon the 
theory that they are phonetic. I say "to a great extent," because, as we 
have seen, there is some evidence that phonetic elements were introduced 
to a limited degree. 

I may be permitted to remark In this connection that In all the attempts 
to decipher these documents which have thus far been made, one very 
essential part of Landa's statement has been too lightly passed over, and 
not sufficiently considered. Speaking of the Maya writing, he says: "The 
people made use of certain characters or letters with which the)^ wrote down 
in their books their ancient affairs and their sciences, and by means 
of these and by certain figures, and by particular signs in tliese figures, 
they understood their affairs, made others understand them, and taught 
them."' 

It is evident, as I think, from this language that Landa does not wish 
to convey the Idea that the native writing had reached sucli a degree of per- 
fection that by means of phonetic characters alone — or, in other words, 
writing in the true sense — they could record historical facts and communi- 
cate with each other. And his attempt to give the characters for their letter 
sounds Is, to a certain extent, a contradiction of his own statement. He has 
undertaken to pick out of their compound or syllabic characters the letter 

' "Usavau tambion esta gunfce do cierlos caratores o letras coii las qiiales cscriviau en sus libros 
sns cosas autignas, y sus sciencias, y con ellas, y figiiras, y alguuas seSiales eu las figuras enteudian sus 
cceas, y las davan a enteudor y euseuavau. Landa, Rdacion dc Cosas, p. 316. 



THOMAS] LANDA'S LETTER CHAEACTEES. 143 

elements; hence it is, that while we find it impossible to decipher the man- 
uscripts by using them, yet we find such frequent resemblances as to com- 
pel us to admit a fundamental relationship. Tliis theory I think is borne 
'out by his attempt at explaining their method of spelling, which does not 
correspond with anything to be found either in the Troano Manuscript or 
the Dresden Codex, nor with his previous statement, which I have quoted. 
Moreover, his own language, taken in connection with his alphabet, implies 
that the natives with whom he was consulting found it impossible to recom- 
bine the elements he had picked out so as to form words. 

This I believe to be the true explanation of his letter characters and 
the only one that will enable us to understand why it is impossible to read 
the manuscripts by means of them, and yet finding them so often agreeing 
with the characters we meet with in these works. 

The day-characters we know he found in their books, as we see abun- 
dant evidence of this in those yet in existence. 

Although the month-characters appear to be wanting in the Troano 
Manuscript they are to be found repeatedly in the Dresden Codex, not 
always in the form given by Landa, yet substantially the same, and accom- 
panied by numerals or other particulars by which we can readily determine 
them. We have, then, as our only positive guide to start with, in our 
attempts at deciphering the written characters of the Maya manuscripts, the 
day and month symbols, and with no assurance that these are phonetic. 

If there are any phonetic elements in this writing they must be discov- 
ered with but little reliance on Landa's letter characters. 

As it is extremely doubtful whether the day and month characters in 
all cases correspond with the modern names applied to them, we must bring 
every other possible test to bear in determining the meaning and corre- 
sponding word. We have also to proceed upon the assumption that the 
language of the Manuscript is the same as that found in the Maya lexicons 
which have been given to the world, when it is possible that it is in a dialect 
of the Maya varying from that in the lexicons. 

As the safest basis on which to found my arguments, I select a few 
characters, the meaning of which, I think, can be ascertained with satis- 
factory certainty without having to decide whether they are phonetic or not. 



144 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 




Fig. 50. 



This character (Fig-. 50) has ah-eady been referred to as occurring on 
Plates XX-XXIII of the Manuscript and 25-28 of the Codex, and as being 
used to denote the "stone heap" on which the Uayeb idols 
were placed. The reasons given for this belief I think warrant 
me in assuming it to be cod-rect. Refemng to the Lexicon we 
find that jjfi-J signifies "a stone serving to form the divisions in a 
Katun or cycle"; ppk, "stones placed one upon another, serving 
to count the intervals in a cycle"; ppiz, "a stone on a fishing line," and 
tun, stone in a general sense. As the connection in which it is found relates 
to the end and commencement of periods of time, I take for granted that 
if it represents a word it is either the first (j^i^) or second ippic). 
^^Tr^K This combination (Fig. 51) found on the back of the spotted dog 

MJiU^ in Plate XXI, appears from Landa's statement, as already shown, to 
n^rrfy represent "bread of maize." The usual form of the combination, 
Fig. 51. which is found very often, is given in Fig. 52, but the order in which 
the chai'acters are placed is frequently the reverse of that given in the figure. 

I think I have presented 
good reasons for believing 
that the characters shown in 
Fig. 53 are used to denote 
FiG-5--^- Fig. 5.3. "east" and "west." The one 

marked a I have concluded denotes East — in Maya lildn or lakin; the one 
marked b, West — cliikin. Whether this conclusion be correct or not, I think 
there can be no doubt that one denotes one of these cai-dinal points, and the 
other the other cardinal point. This being admitted, 
we are not left in doubt as to the signifi- 
cation of the lower part of these compound 
characters, as it must be the hieroglyph 
for kin, "sun" or "day." 

The characters for the other cardinal points — north and south — 
are given in Fig. 54. As there is yet some doubt as to their assign- 
ment I pass them for the present, allowing the conclusion heretofore reached 
in reference to them to stand. 

The character shown in Fig. 55, when placed on a figure, denotes, 







(& 




Fig. 54. 



1<"IG. 55. 





THOMAS.) EXPLANATION OF SYMBOLS AND CHAEACTEES. 145 

sometimes at least, die, "wood" in a general sense, or some particular kind 
of wood. 

As the character shown in Fig. 56 is placed on spear-heads, e%ndently 
for the purpose of indicating the substance of which they are composed, or 
the character of the substance, it must signify "silex," 
or hardness, as contrasted with the wood or material of 
Fig. 56. which the shaft was composed. Whether Ezanab was 
the Maya word denoted, is not certain. Fig. .57. 

Fig. 57 is found but once in the Manuscript — in the upper division of 
Plate IX. As it is above tlie figure of an armadillo, I presume it is tlie 
symbol used to denote that animal, and hence that it is not phonetic. 

Fig. 58 is on the neck of most of the vases figured in the work. 
(^ — -[jlj I — ^ Although very common in the written portion as ^^^^ 

Fig. 58. a prefix or suffix to other characters — as shown f^ K'tHwl 
in Fig. 59, where it is probably used as a pronoun or ai'ticle — lL» w'i il ^J 
when found on these vessels I take for granted that it is the fig. m. 
hieroglyph for u, the Maya word for "vase," as also for "month" and cer- 
tain pronouns. . 

Using these, together, -with the day and month characters as a key, I 
will proceed to discuss the nature of the written characters, in order to 
decide, if possible, whether they are phonetic, and, if so, to what extent. 
That some of them are but symbols, as, for example, that shown in Fig. 
57, cannot be doubted. It is also quite probable, as will appear in the 
course of our discussion, that a few are simple pictographs. 

As tlie one shown in Fig. 50 is, in one form or another, of frequent 
occurrence in both works, let us compare these on the supposition that they 
are in some degree phonetic, and see what the result will be. 

Comparing with Landa's character for the month o| 
Pax (Fig. 60), we observe here the two broad perpen- 








Fig. 60. dicular bars, but in addition thereto three little rings, *''*^' ^^^ 
or ovals, at the bottom, and a cross-hatched appendage at the left. The 
bars, it is true, are not solid here, but, as will be presently seen, this differ- 
ence does not appear to indicate a difi'erence in the signification. 

10 M T 



146 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

On Plate 70 of the Codex the character shown m Fig. 61 occurs, accom- 
panied, as here indicated, by the numeral character for "thirteen" in black. 
There is little, if any, room to doubt that this is here used to denote the 
month Pas. As it bears no resemblance to any of the day characters, the 
accompanying numerals would certainly lead us to believe it denoted one 
of the months, and, if so, the one named. Another reason for this belief 
is that on the same plate — in fact, in the next line — are the characters for 
Cumhu and Yaxldn, each accompanied by numerals. But in this case, that 



for the former (Cumhu) is given thus: *|k§t^, and that for Yaxkin thus: 



if 






«53^ , omitting the appendage added by Landa. Turning to Plate 69 of 

the same work, we observe wdiat appears to be the same character in the 
form shown in Fig. 62. Another similar figure on the same plate has the 
little upper circle cross-hatched, but this is unaccompanied 
by numerals, though there is another b}" the side of it as in 
Fiff. 63. In the same column we can detect without doubt 
Fig. 6->. ^he characters for the months Yaxkin, Poop, and Mac. ^"^- '^^• 
On Plates VII*, IX*, and XIX* of the Manuscript, what appears to 
be the same symbol occurs in the form shown in Fig. 64, with the numeral 
character for five annexed in two cases (Plates VII* and IX*). 
In one instance four bars are distinctly shown, but in the one 
on Plate IX* the bar to the right is solid ; the one on Plate 
Fig. 64. VII* is as represented in Fig. 64, proving, as I think, that this 
difference has no material significance. Can this be used here as the sym- 
bol of the month"? If so, it is the only month symbol I have been able to 
detect in the Manuscript. The inference is therefore strongly against this 
assumption. The first two (Plates VII* and IX*) occur in that part of the 
Manuscript which, according to my interpretation, relates to tlie festival of 
the Bee-keepers, and in the middle division, along the lower margin of 
which we see what are evidently intended to denote offerings. Among 
them in one place immediately below the character there are two groups, 
one of three and the other of two red Kans in vases; in another place the 
leg of a deer. We also find the figure of a deer's leg in immediate con- 
nection with our character on Plate VII*. The Maj-a name for a tortilla 




^ 




TuoMAB.) INTEEPEETATION OF CHAEACTERS. 147 

o{ maize is peciiah (according to Perez), or ppecuah (according to Brasseur). 
May we not, therefore, with strong probabiHty of being correct, interpret 
this character as above given — "five tortillas of maize" — supposing it to 
refer to an offering? If so, then we have three characters, denoting the 
three words ppec or pec^ Pax, and pecuali or ppecuaJi, in which the double 
bars occur, which doubtless represent the labial element j^r ^i' PP) if they are 
phonetic. It is worthy of notice, in this connection, that pacach, according 
to Perez, also signifies "a tortilla of maize," and pakach, "to make tor- 
tillas of maize." It is probable, therefore, thsit pecuah, when spoken, termi- 
nated with the sound of ch. 

Turning to Plate XXXI, first and second divisions, where the method 
of planting maize is indicated, we find this character (Fig. 65) forming a 
part of the head-dress worn. As I have already sua:a:ested, /y^\ 
this is probably the hieroglyph for the Maya j^poc, "hat" ^^^ 
Fig. 65. or "head-covering." 

Assuming that I am correct in these interpretations, we have then the 
characters for four words — ^j9pec or pec, Pax, pecuali or ppecuali, and pipoc — 
in which the two perpendicular bars occur, which, in all probability, 
represent the labial element p or pp, if they are phonetic. The typical 
form of the whole character probably represents the syllable p'c or p'cli. 

Fig. QQ represents the interlaced or cross-hatched character. 

The character for Chicchan, as given by Landa, is represented in Fig. 67. 
In the Manuscript it is most frequently of the form shov/n in Fig. 68. 
These, as will be seen, consist of two parts, the check- 
ered portion and the loops or blocks, and the word of 
Fig. 67. two principal phonetic elements, ch and n. fiq. os. 

Referring again to the symbol for Pax (or Pasli, as the Maya x has the 
sound of sh, or ch, in machine), we see that tlie checkered poi'tion is at the 
left, while in that for Chicchan it is at the right. As ch is the only phonetic* 
element common to both words, and the cross-hatching the only portion 
common to both figures, we may assume as probable that this character 
represents the hissing, or ch., sound of the two words. Turning now to the 
Maya lexicon, we find that chichan signifies "little," "slender," "thin," &c.; 
tzi, which has a slightly harder hissing sound, signifies "anything that is 





148 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

very little, slender, thin, or sYim"; tsil, "divided, separated, torn, rent," 
&c.; tsulche, "trellis, lattice-work, barred," &c.; tzic, "to part, cut, divide," 
&c.; tzacJc, "to cut fine, to hash," &c; dsil, "to work mosaic, to weave, 
plait," &c.; all of which are words that have the hissing sound as their 
chief phonetic element. 

On Plates U, III, VI, and elsewhere we see the figure of the red- 
mouthed god, which we can scarcely doubt is Cliicchac-chob. On the head- 
dress in the three plates designated is this same interlaced figure. 

On Plate XXV, lower division, is the figure of a serpent with rattles, 
to which allusion has heretofore been made, which is marked with checkered 
or cross-hatched spots; tzabcan, in Maya, signifies "a serpent with rattles"; 
see also the serpent in the lower division of Plate V. We also see that the 
apron, and appendage hanging between the limbs, is marked in the same 
way, possibly denoting, as heretofore suggested, sihil, "birth," as the design 
appears to be to symbolize the birth of the storm-cloud. 

I suggest as possible that the characters in the hand of the left figure, 
upper division, Plate XXX*, one of which is the reticulated figure, the 

other that of Gauac, may denote cauche, the cultivated 
^o )Q^ cocoanut. One reason for this supposition is that the^^^«S»'| 
^— -^^ figure in the other hand (Fig. 69) appears to be the PI.! ll ^^ l 

Fig. 69. hieroglyphic for omal, "bread," especially a certain fig. 70. 
kind of flat tortilla, used in sacrificial ofi^erings. 

In the middle and lower divisions of Plate XIX we find the character 
shown in Fig. 70, occurring several times. 

The figures in the spaces appear to be grinding paint in stone and 
earthenware mortars. The pestle is straight, rather slender, and cylindri- 
cal in form, and is grasped by both hands. I venture the suggestion that 
the circle of dots with the little oval in the center, indicates that the pestle 
"is to be turned or whirled round, and the changed direction of the curves 
denotes to the right and left, or first one way and then the other. The 
cross-hatching indicates a word with the sound of cli, ts, or s. As tending 
to confirm this suggestion, we find, by reference to the Maya lexicon, that 
dzic and cMcal (adjectives) signify "left," and ddical, "left hand." (See 
Fig. 48, p. 139.) 



THOMAS.] 



INTEEPEETATION OF GHAEACTERS. 



149 




Fig. 71. 



Referring to Plate XXIII*, we find in the middle compartment of the 
upper division the figure and characters represented in Fig. 71. 

The lower line of the inscription over the 
figure consists of three characters, which I interpret 
as follows: 

Chelisic u calial : "Consumes (or destroys) his 
(or the) dwelling." 

The eye and snout in the left-hand character, 
translated "consumes," I presume imply that this is 
done by the Chac. The pafts of this compound char- 
acter are taken in the same order as the others here- 
tofore interpreted; that is, from right to left; those of 
the third, translated '■'■dwelling,''^ from below upwards. 

It is possible that the left-hand character should 
be rendered satsic, which has the same signification as chehsic, and also 
has the two hissing sounds, indicated by the interlaced portion. 

If I am correct in my rendering of the right-hand character, it will 
probably enable us to determine this one (Fig. 72), which is often used in 
the Manuscript. I suggest okoUha, "prayer," and, with the nu- 
meral, "three prayers." But it is possible that the true render- ^ 
ing is ocol which, according to Perez, signifies, when joined to * 
a number, the course or order, as of priesthood. Fig. 72. 

Adopting these suggestions, we would translate the characters in the 
upper right-hand corner of the middle division, Plate 
VIP, Fig. 73, thus: 

a. 1). 0. d. 

5p])ecuah okoltba liau (?) 

"Five tortillas of maize, three prayers, the leg of a 
deer, V, or, "Five tortillas of maize, the third priest 
(or priest of the third order?), the leg of a deer." I 
prefer the first rendering, as the character marked h frequently occurs 
without the numeral where the second interpretation would not apply. 

Fig. 74, which is precisely like that for Caban as usually given in 
the Manuscript, is found on several plates and also frequently in the 





Fig. 73. 



150 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 



C^YW~j^^ 




Codex; sometimes on the bench or form on which persons are seated or 
lying—see Plates XXXII, XXXIII, XXV*, XXXIV*, &c.; on the blocks or 
square figures on Plates II* to X* which relate to the festival of the apia- 
rists; on the foundation or substance 
out of which plants and vines arise, 
as on Plates XXXII and XXXIII; 
Fig. t4. and as a character into which the ma- 

chete or hatchet is thrust (Plate XXIV*). In the Codex it is found on the 
wall and base of what appears to be a kind of- house, or a niche in a temple 
(Plates ZO and 67); on seats or benches, and in one instance on something 
laid on a pyramidal altar, on which a human head is placed, having the 
"dead eye," as though representing the act of cremation. It is evident 
that no one substance can be indicated in all these places. 

On the plates relating to the bee-keepers' festival, where it is figured 
thus (Fig. 75), as on Plate VIII*, the block or vessel is red, or marked with 

a red border, is suspended by cords, and a bee is 
placed across it. Here it is probable that it should 
be interpreted cah, "honey," or cabnal, "bee-hive." 
But this explanation will not answer in one out of 
a hundred of the other places where it is used. 
5-^"/^ Where it marks the substance out of which 

Fig. 75. plants arise, as on Plates XXXII and XXXIII, it 

is probably used to signify the earth or soil. We find by reference to the 
lexicons that cab has also as one of its significations "eai'th" or "soil," and 
that cabal signifies "at the foot," ".at the foundation," "at or on the ground," 
&c. This will fm-nish explanation of all those cases where "earth," "ground," 
or "soil" is applicable, or where it is on that out of which plants grow and 
on which persons are seated or lying. In the lower division of Plate 
XXXII are the figures of four seats or forms similar in outline to that 
shown at a, Fig. 74, ; two are marked with the character interpreted ppec, 
or "stone," and two with the character represented at a, Fig. 74. If two 
are stone, as we have good reason for believing, the others must be wood 
or earth. The fact that persons are represented lying down at full length 





TII0MA6.] INTEEPEETATION OF CHAEACTEES. 151 

upon this character furnishes a strong reason for believing it should in such 
cases be rendered "earth." 

Turning to Plate XXIV*, we observe, in the third division, the figure 
of a large brown tree, and a person standing by with hatchet in hand 
in the act of cutting; in the inscription immediately above is Fig. 76. 
There can be little, if any, doubt that this refers to cutting into the 
tree. The Caban character may signify a particular species, 
but I think it more than probable the word denoted is cabal, "at 
the foot or base," "at the ground"; smdthat the proper rendering 
is "cut with a hatchet at the base," or "at the ground." The cut *'i<^- '^^■ 
or opening at the base of the brown tree appears to correspond with this 
interpretation, especially as the tree to the right in the same division is 
severed at a short distance above the base. 

If my rendering of this character, in the different uses to which it is 
applied, be correct, it must be to some extent at least phonetic. 

On the wall and base of the dwelling, or whatsoever it may be, on 
Plate (30) of the Codex, it is probably used to denote that it is earthen, 
or plastered. 

This character is closely allied to the symbol for the day Cih (Kib), 
which is usually given thus in the Manuscript (Pig. 77). In 
each of the words we have the sound of k and h, but one of the 
characters has a line of dots that is wanting in the other. The 
inner line and the little cross-marks usually found in Cib ^^c- '"'■ 
in the Manuscript, and represented in Fig. 77, do not appear to be 
essential. 

The character represented in Fig. 78 occurs in the middle 
division of Plate V. 

As the figures in the spaces probably represent traveling 
merchants, it is possible that this should be rendered m 6eow^ — the "traveler" 
or "merchant." 

The third division of Plate XXIX (the lower of the two shown in 
Fig. 79), is divided into four compartments, each with its figure and 
superscription, the latter consisting of four compound characters in each 





152 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

case. Commencing with the upper extreme left-hand character, let us 




Fig. 79. 

complete it (as the lower part — the loop — appears to be imperfect) thus: 

})) This will make the whole character the same as the third and 

fourth to the right in the same line. The order in which they are to be 
taken I presume is as follows: First, the upper line over one figure, from 
left to right, then the next line below in the same order; next, the group 
over the next figure in the same way; and so on, counting the groups from 
left to right. 

We observe that the lower left-hand character of the first or left-hand 
group is the head of a bird, and also that a bird is in the figure below; that 
the lower right-hand compound character also contains a distorted head, 



THOMAS.] INTERPRETATION OF CHARACTERS. 153 

somewhat human in appearance, but which may be intended to denote the 
quadruped in the figure below ; that the lower right-hand character of the 
third group, although showing teeth, may be intended as the symbol of the 
worm-like figure beneath. 

In view of these facts, and also of the additional facts that the right- 
hand group contains no animal head, nor is there below the figure of any 
animal, I am inclined to believe that these three heads are but symbols of 
the animals below them. We also observe that the figures are placed on 
Caban characters, and that each group of the superscription contains a 
Caban character, all doubtless having reference here to the earth *or soil. 
If the figures with the two-colored face denote growing maize, as the 
attacks of the bird and quadruped indicate, we then have strong reasons 
for believing that the characters refer to the figui-es beneath them. I may 
also add here, what is stated elsewhere, that as a rule animals, persons, and 
deities, or at least idols, appear to be generally represented among the 
characters by the head; hence such characters cannot be phonetic. 

A study of the two groups similarly arranged on the right of the lower 
division of Plate III* satisfies me that they relate to the method of dealing 
with a swelling on the hand, caused probably by the sting of a bee or some 
other insect, or the bite of a serpent (observe the serpent's head on the 
figure below). We see here the figure of a hand in two places, and on 
each a protuberance or swelling distinctly marked ('Fig. 80.) By 
the side of each is Fig. 81, which ^ ^^^^^ 

is probably the hieroglyph for the ^^^ j w^^3 

Maya words u-mo, "a swelling of fjg. so. Fig. 8i. Fia 

the flesh," or "tumor." The next character in order is the one shown in 
Fig. 82, which may be interpretiad u-cab-poc, "bathe or wash it with honey." 
The character in the hand of the 
figure immediately under the in- 
scription appears to agree with this 

interpretation (see Fig. 83): Cab- F'«- *'='• i"'«- ^^- i'"- *• 

men (jnin or mon). Min signifies that which diminishes or causes to grow 
less; mon, the same; and moncab (same as momcab), a cooling or soothing 






154 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSGEirT TROANO. 



wasli.^ The hand here, figured I take to be simply a pictorial repre- 
sentation. 

The characters in the right-hand compartment of the middle division 
of the same plate, I think probably relate to the offerings of honey and 
tortillas for the dead. 




AotoSnjCo/ZX 



Fig. 86. 



The character represented in Fig. 84, found so frequently on Plates I* 
to X* and elsewhere, may denote pieces of honey-comb, or a kind of drink 
made of honey, as Brasseur says (note in Landa's Relacion), " honey that 
has passed into the state of hydromel, which was their ordinary wine." 

' I follow, in most cases, the interpretation given by Brasseur in his Maya lexicon, and make no 
attempt to give oblique forms, as my kuowleilge of the Maya language is too limited for this. 



THOMAs.i INTEEPEETATION OF CHARACTERS. 155 




As heretofore stated, I have conchided that Fig. 85 signifies lihin, 
"east," "eastward," "at or toward the east"; Hterally "the rising sun." 
If this is correct, then, as before intimated, the lower character with tlie 
alar appendage must represent the latter syllable Jdn, "sun" or "daj^"; 
and the upper, the first, li, derived from liJiil, "to arise," "to be lifted up 
or elevated." 

Turning to Plate XX* we see in the third division the figures of four 
females, each apparently engaged in sprinkling water on a child in front of 
her (Fig. ^6). Above them are two rows of characters, apparently grouped 
by fours (counting each compound character as one), two of the upper and 
two of the lower line to each female figure. In the first group to the left 
is the character I have heretofore interpreted as signifying west; immedi- 
ately to the right of it, in the same group, is this character (Fig. 87). In 
the second group is the character heretofore interpreted as signi- 
fying north, but with an arm-like appendage ; immediately below 
it, in the same group, is the character shown in Fig. 87; the third 
group has the character for east and this also; and the foui'th or ^'g. 87. 
last group to the right the same character (Fig. 87), and that heretofore 
interpreted as denoting south. 

As we find the same character in Fig. 87 as in Fig. 85, we may assume 
it stands for the same sound, li, and accepting Brasseur's interpretation of 
the lower left-hand character as signifying /m or haa, "water," and the added 
character to the right as Landa's ^, we have li-ha-i or lila-i, "to sprinkle the 
child with water," lila meaning "to sprinkle with water," and i child. As 
lil signifies "to shake," "to toss," &c., a better rendering may be haa-lil i, 
" the water shake (or dash) on the child." 

Commencing with the left-hand group and taking the four characters 
in the order heretofore adopted, the upper two from left to right and then 
the lower two in the same way, and taking the groups from left to right, I 
obtain the following result: 

First group: "Toward the west; sprinkle water on the child ; ( 1); 

tortillas." 

Second group: "Toward the north; ( ?); sprinkle water on the 

child; ( ?)." 





156 A STCTDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

Third group: "Toward the east; sprmkle water on the child ; ( !); 

tortillas." 

Fourth group: "Toward the south, {ichintzah) give a bath; ( ?); 

sprinkling water on the child." 

This character (Fig. 88), found in the first, second, and fourth groups, 
I am unable to interpret. The larger right-hand portion may be a variant 
of cJiicchan, and the whole stand for the words a or ti 

.^^^^ chicJian, "a little," or ha-chen, "water from the senote 
or well " 

Fig. 8s. rp^e third character in the third group (Fig. 89) ^"'- ^^■ 

is also one I have been unable to interpret. The smaller figures to the left 
may possibly denote the words ca-cJmc, "a Quff"" or "blow." The peculiar 
eye in the right portion I think refers to some particular deity. 

I am aware that this interpretation of these groups hangs on a very 
slender thread which, if broken, lets the whole thing fall to the ground, and 
hence have given it with a feeling of considerable doubt. But the four 
similar figures and the symbols of the cardinal points agree very well with 
this conclusion. 

As I have already intimated, there are good reasons for believing that 
the compound character shown in Fig. 90 denotes "bread of maize" or 
"corn bread." As will be seen, this consists of the 
characters for Imix (or Ymix) and Kan; as ixi77i signi- 
fies "maize," we may assume, without great liability ^2l7 ( j/jl \, 
Fig. 90. of being in error, that this is the equivalent of Imix. ^^'^- ^'^■ 

But I am inclined to believe the latter symbol (that for Kan) is used not 
only to denote bread (tortillas), but that in the pictorial portion it is also 
frequently given to represent corn (maize). 

The combination shown in Fig. 91, and found so frequently on the 
plates of the Manuscript and Codex, probably denotes "cakes" or "two 
cakes," or "tortillas of maize." The two are found combined as in Fig. 
90 and with the accompanying characters on Plate III*. 

Turning to Plates VIII* and IX* of the Manuscript, we notice along 
the lower border of the middle division what are evidently ofi^erings; some 
are pictorial representations and some perhaps symbols; among these we 





THOMAS] INTEEPEETATION OF GHAEACTERS. 157 

see vessels of different kinds, on which are Kan symbols of a reddish or 
orange color. As heretofore stated, we find over one of the groups (left 
side of Plate IX*), a character accompanied by the numeral five, which I 
have supposed denotes the Maya word ppecuali, pecnah, or pacach, "a tortilla 
of maize." That these symbols could have no legitimate signification, if 
interpreted by any of the meanings of Kan found in the lexicon, is appar- 
ent to any one. The fact that they are in vessels — in one case a vase 
with the usual vase mark, in another a kind of jDlatter, &c. — indicates 
that they are offerings that can be appropriately presented in vessels of 
this kind. 

In the lower division of Plate XXI we observe a bird in the act of 
eating one of these Kan characters. Although this is probably a symbolic 
representation relating to time, still the figure itself is intended as a repre- 
sentation of that which is used as the symbol — a bird eating something, 
doubtless corn or bread. 

On Plate XXVIII, second and fourth divisions, we notice, as I have 
previously stated, the figure of a deity, which ^^robably signifies the earth, 
looking up in a supplicating manner, bearing in his hands, or in the hands 
of the little figures he holds, Kan symbols. As there is good reason for 
believmg these are symbolic representations of the parched earth pleading for 
rain, it is more than probable that the Kan characters here denote corn or 
maize. This supposition is rendered almost certain by the fact that the one 
in the right hand of the lower figure presents a little opening blade or leaf, 
showing that it has been planted and is sprouting; in the other hand is the 
bread symbol. 

The two combined, or the Kan singly, are of frequent occtirrence in 
the hands of the priests in the Manuscript, where apparently engaged in 
religious ceremonies. The Jeans in the baskets carried by females (lower 
divisions of Plates XIX* and XX*) I have already alluded to; there can 
be scarcely any doubt that here they signify corn or bread, more likely the 
former. I think it quite likely that here, and where not in the written por- 
tion, these figures have more the character of pictographs than hieroglyphics, 
as they are both tolerably fair representations of a grain of maize. 





158 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO. 

Fig. 92, copied from the upper division of Plate IX, is, I think, beyond 
doubt the symbol for the armadillo figured in the same division. 
There are characters somewhat closely resembling it found in 
"fig^'q^" other parts of the Manuscript, but none of them have the pos- 
terior border of scale-marks, and at the same time the peculiar eye that is 
used throughout the Manuscript to mark quadrupeds. 

Fig. 93, which has for its only characteristic the same figure as Landa's 
ca, is found frequently in the Manuscript, so placed as to lead me to believe 
it represents some fruit or vegetable product that is useful as 
"^W J food, or in some other way in domestic life, and that was also 
considered an appropriate oifering to the gods. 
Fig. 93. -pov example, we see it carried in baskets by women — lower 

division of Plates XIX* and XX*; in the hand of the bii'd figure — mid.dle 
division, Plate II; in the hands of the priest, apparently as an offering, on 
a number of plates; on the back of figures I'epresenting persons traveling — 
Plate V; marked on (as though denoting something in) a vase — lower divis- 
ion, same plate; in the symbol of the day Cimi; and also in Landa's char- 
acter for h. 

I presume from these facts that, if phonetic, the word or syllable it 
represents has as its chief phonetic element the sound of h. As the Maya 
word ca signifies a species of squash or calabash used for food in Yucatan, 
I presume this is what it denotes in these pictorial representations, especially 
as this interpretation does not appear to be inconsistent with its use in unj of 
them. But that it also has other significations is evident from the fact that it 
is found in Cimi, and also as an eye-mark. The same idea is doubtless 
embraced in both, that is, "death," and the chief phonetic element h. 

In close relation to this, and which should be considered with it, is the 

character rej^resented in Fig. 94. Brasseur has taken it throughout as one 

form of the Cimi symbol; but there are some reasons for believing 

there is, at least, a slight difierence in the signification of the two, 

as on Plates XIX* and XX*, in the basket of the woman at the left, 

Fig. 94. .^g ggg both characters. As the other burdens are represented by 

the duplication of one character, the bringing of these two together here 

shows their close relationship to each other. It is also worthy of notice 




THOiusi INTERPEETATION OF CHAEAOTEES. 159 

that the relative position of the two is exactly the reverse on one plate 
from what it is on the other. 

As the burdens of two of these females evidently consist of their house- 
hold gods, it is possible that those of the two just alluded to may consist 
of the bones of their dead. If so, Fig. -94 may represent the skull and the 
Cimi symbol the other bones. In the inscription above the head of the left- 
hand female, lower division Plate XX*, we find this character (Fig. 95), 
which, according to the explanation of the parts so far as given, 
should probably be interpreted (reading from right to left) ^^[I^t?) 
cimen-ich, "the dead children." In this interpretation the right- ^p^^^ 
hand character is given its usual signification; the reticulated 1''ig. 95. 
portion, ch; and the two lines running upward from this, i. Still it is 
possible that this explanation is very wide of the mark, as these charac- 
ters may represent certain fruits or other articles of food, perhaps different 
kinds of calabashes. 

The character represented in Fig. 96 is very closely related to, if not 
a variant of, the Cimi symbol. It is found very frequently through- 
out the Manuscript in the spaces containing the figures or pictorial 
representations. As in a large proportion of these cases the figures fig. oa 
have some reference to death, the gods of death, or of the lower regions, 
and as the character appears to be a variant of Cimi, I have designated it 
the "death symbol." 

It is found in connection with the supposed god of death in the follow- 
ing places: Lower division of XXXV (when joined with XXXIV); lower 
division of II* ; upper division of VIII* ; second and lower divisions of XI* ; 
second division of XXII*; middle division of XXIX*, of XXX*, XXXI*, 
and XXXIV*. It is also found equally often with the god and goddess with 

this eye: ■^^^. It is also found with the god that has the dark stripe 

across the face, as in the lower division of Plate III. Hence I am inclined 
to believe that this and the' other two are to be classed with the deities of 
the underworld. We also find this character in several places where the 
idea of death or destruction is evidently intended to be conveyed. For 
example, in the upper division of Plates VII and XXV; second and third 




160 



A STUDY OP THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO. 



divisions of Plate XXXII; third division of XXXIII; upper division of 
VIII*, XX*, and XXIX*. 

The next group I refer to is found in the upper division of Plate X, 
and consists of one perpendicular column and two transverse lines, as shown 
in Fig. 97. Taking the column at the left, proceeding from the top down- 




FlG. 97. 



wards, I suggest the following interjDretation of the four compound char- 
acers : 

"South, tortilla of maize, vase, or pan, of burnt clay, turn 6 (times)." 
The characters here interpreted yam and xain, I am avv^are, are appar- 
ently identical; but the former, which is a part of that heretofore interpreted 
"south," is one in reference to which I have been, and still am, in great 
doubt, especially as it may well be interpreted xamin, "north." The two 
Imix characters here translated ixim are doubtless used more as symbols 
than as word characters. Tlie vase, ov u character, is, I think, simfily 
added to render definite that to which it is attached. The lowest character 
(Landa's h) may be hel), "to turn over" or "revolve"; ei, "to elevate"; he, 
"to march"; or jj>e, also "to march." 

The transverse lines reading from left to right, I would interpret thus: 
"West, tortilla of maize, pan of burnt clay, 7 (times), deerl" 



THOMAS] INTERPRETATION OP CHARACTERS. 161 

A free translation of the column would then be about as follows: 

" Facing the south, place the tortilla of maize on the pan of burnt clay 
and turn it six times (or elevate it, or march with it six times)."' 

The meaning of the transverse lines is similar, except as to direction, 
until we reach the last character, which I have reason to believe refers to 
the deer. But it also contains another element, represented by the circle 
at the lower margin inclosing little dots, probably the equivalent of the h- 
character of the column. 

The line and column in the upper division of Plate XI appear to be 
of similar import, but varied in the cardinal points and in one of the char- 
acters. I am not prepared to attempt an interpretation of this group, but 
am inclined to believe, from the presence of the ik symbol, that it refers to 
exorcising the evil spirit. 

The groups in the middle and lower divisions of Plate XIV (Fig. 16, 
p. 99), which are to be taken in columns, and read from the top downwards, 
are evidently of similar import. 

Take, for example, the second (third, if the day column is counted) 
from the left of the middle division, I would suggest something like the fol- 
lowing interpretation (reading from the top downwards) : 







Nortli (?) tortilla (or maize). (!) the olla. 7 (?) 

Fig. 98. 

The third compound or double character is possibly a pictograph to 

represent venison, or deer hams. Brasseur supposes it to be a variant of 

the Cimi character, but this I think very doubtful. 
11 M T 



OHAPTEE VII. 

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THK DAY COLUMNS AND NUMBERS IN 
THE FIRST PART OF THE MANUSCRIPT. 

In order that as much of the material contained in this Manuscript as 
can be given without facsimile representations may be placed before the 
reader, I will now give the names of the days as found in the day columns 
of some of the plates; this will enable him to test my interpretation of 
the numerals. As my object in doing this is to give an opportunity to all 
into whose hands this paper may fall to test the correctness of the theo- 
ries I have advanced, I will give the different divisions of the plates, each 
with its own days and numbers. It is to be understood that where there is 
more than one division on a plate, as is usually the case, they will be num- 
bered consecutively from the top downward, first, second, third, &c. In 
giving the numerals, the Roman represent the red or day numerals, the 
Arabic the black or month numbers. The red numerals usually found 
over the day columns will also be placed over them here. Those in the 
spaces will also be given in the spaces here, and by pairs as in the Manu- 
script. In the first example a few explanatory words will be placed in 
parentheses; afterwards these will be omitted. 

Plates I-XIX all contain three divisions, separated from each other 

by broad, transverse red or brown lines. It is therefore to be understood, 

when no special mention is made of the number of the divisions, that 

there are three on eacli plate. The upper or top division I will designate 

as the first, the middle as the second, and the bottom as the third. These 

divisions are again divided into compartments, usually differing in the color 

of the ground, which is white, reddish-brown, or blue. In some cases the 

subject-matter of a division is continued into the second or even the third 

plate. These do not follow each other in the usual order of pages. Where it 
162 



THOMAS.] 



DAY COLUMNS AND NUMERAL CHARACTERS. 



163 



extends over upon the next page or plate, it is always to be understood that 
the one which precedes is to have its left margin placed to the right margin 
of that which follows, and that the day column at the left of a division refers 
to all that stand to the right of it, when thus placed, until another day col- 
umn is reached. In order to make this clear, let me illustrate by an example. 
On the middle division of Plate V we find a day column with two figures to 
the right of it. Turning to Plate IV, we find other figures of a similar char- 
acter, but no day column. By placing the latter (Plate IV) so that its left 
margin joins to the right margin of the former (Plate V), we have a con- 
tinuous series of figures of a similar character. The day column, therefore, 
on the latter plate, relates to all on the right until we reach the next day 
column, whicli will be found in this case on the left margin of Plate III, as 



in the annexed diagram. 
V. 



IV. 





III. 


■ 1 


/ 






9 






h 






i 






J 






■ 



In this illustration the letters represent the days and the position of the 
day columns. That this is the proper position of these plates in reference 
to each other may be seen by referring to Plates XXX and XXXI, where 
the head of the bird in the third division of Plate XXXI — there are four 
divisions in this case — is on the right margin and the tail on the left margin 
of Plate XXX} 



'By binding together the plates, exactly the reverse of Brasseur's pagiug — as is done in many 
copies — wo will probably have them arranged in the order intended. 



164 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 



On Plates XXX* and XXIX* the head of the black figure is at the 
right margin of the upper division of the former, while the body and feet 
are in the left margin of the upper division of the latter. This explanation 
will be sufficient to make clear what may hereafter be said in reference to 
the subject-matter of the division of' one plate extending over upon the 
corresponding division of another. 

Plate I. 

The day characters on this plate, if there were any, are wholly oblit- 
erated. 

Plate II. 

I give below (Fig. 99) an illustration of the day and numeral characters 
of tlie second division of this plate. The black numerals, 
or those for the month are given here in solid black, the red 

or day numer- 

'^^ ^-= ; ^^^» O O O tsa^sm O fils in outline. 

As the first 
character in the left column is an unusual one, and the 
first of the right column is too much obliterated to be 
determined by inspection, we must ascertain them by 
means of the intervals. 

The third in the left column is certainly Chuen and 
the fourth Akbal — this gives an interval of twelve days; 
those of the right column are Been, Chicchan, Caban, 
and Muluc, the interval being in each case twelve days. 
This gives for the left column Manik, Cauac, Chuen, Akbal, and Men. The 
Cauac character, if such it be, is a very unusual one, being identical with 
that for Men.^ The first character in the rigrht column is that for Ymix. 




Fig. 99. 



' This, I tliiut, is au evident mistake, and furnishes one reason for believing this MS. is a copy. 



TUOMAB.) 



DAY COLUMNS AND NUMERAL CHARACTERS. 



165 





Plate III. 






FIRST DIVISION. 




Manik. 


XI-5. 


VI-5. 


Cauac. 


VI-5. 


IX-11 


Chuen. 


VIII-5. 


IV-3. 


Akbal. 


X-10. 




Men. 


SECOND DIVISION. 




IV. 


IV. 




Akbal. 


Ben. 


I-IO. 


Muluc. 


Cauac. 


X- 9. 


Men. 


Chicclian. 


IV- 7. 


Ymix. 


Chuen. 




Manik 


Caban. 





THIRD DIVISION. 

Day column obliterated. 

Plate IV. 

The first division of this plate is rather an unusual one in regard to the 
days and numbers. The days are as follows : 

FIRST DIVISION. 

Ahau. 

Oc. X-9. 

Eb. (?)-7. 

Ik. 

Kan. 

Ix. 

Cib. 

Cimi. 

Lamat. 
"We observe that only three of the regular numbers remain; but in 
addition to these there are small red characters representing the following 
numbers (?) I,Xg, I,XII, I,XII, I,XII, I,XII. 



166 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSOEIPT TROANO. 



The 

OO o 





SECOND DIVISION. 

second division commences on Plate V, and includes all of the 
second division of that plate. The characters are as repre- 
sented in the annexed cut (Fig. 1 00) : 

<» oooo ^ ^^- o OO The da3^s are 

■"" ■" "~" """ Kan, Cib, Lamat, 

Ahau, Eb; the dates, 4th clay, 13th and 11th months; 1st day, 
13th month; 9th day, 11th month; and 8th day, 13th month. 



THIRD DIVISION. 



XII, 



Cauac. 


VI-6. 


Chuen. 


VI-6. 


Akbal. 


VI-7. 


Men. 


VI-7. 


Manik. 


XIII-7. 




XIII-7. 


Plate V. 




FIRST DIVISION. 





The first division of this plate contains two compartments. The first 
lias the numeral IV over the day column. The days are Caban, Muluc, 
Ymix, Been Chicchan. The numbers in the space are I-IO, X-10. 

The second compartment is found partly on Plate V and partly on 
Plate IV, and is similar to the first division of Plate IV. The days are 
Cauac, Muluc, Chuen, Ymix, Akbal, Been, Men, Chicchan, Manik. The 
only regular number unobHterated is the black numeral 13 in the space. 
The following are the small red numerals: XIII, XI, XIII, XI, XIII (I), 
XIII, XI, XIII. White cross-bones on a black ground are in this space. 

SECOND DIVISION. 

The second division of this plate runs over on Plate IV, and has been 
illustrated and described as belonging to that \Aate. 



THOMAS. 1 



DAY COLUMNS AND NUMEitAL CHAKACTERS. 



167 



THIRD DIVISION. 

The day charactei's in the third division are wholly obliterated. 

Plate VI. 

FIEST DIVISION. 



IV(?). 




Ahau. 


(?)-10. 


Eb. 


XI-10. 


Kan. 


IV-12. 


Gib. 


(!)-10. 


Lamat. 


IX-10. 



SECOND DIVISION. 



XII. 








Caban. 


XIII- 


-13. 




Ik. 


XIII- 


-13. 




Manik. 


XII- 


-13. 




Eb. 


XIII- 


-13. 




Caban. 


XIII- 


-13. 




THIRD 


DIVISION. 






IV. 


IV. 






Ahau. 


Oc. 




X-6, 


Cimi. 


Cib. 




1-4. 


Eb. 


Ik. 






Ezanab. 


Lamat. 






Kan. 


Ix. 






Pla' 


FE VII. 






FIRST 


DIVISION. 







The characters and numerals being partially obliterated in the first 
chvision of this plate, it is omitted. 



168 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO. 

SECOND DIVISION. 

XII. I XIII I _^3 

Cbuen. ( XII 



-13. 

Cib. ( I > 



Ymix. ( XII 

Cimi. ( I 



-13. 



Chuen. ^ XII , _jg 



I 



I-' 



This section (second) of Plate VII contains some peculiarities in the 
day symbols and numeral characters. For example, the day (red) numerals 

OOP O o 

are given thus, ^ J , '^- =j , the first signifying two numbers, XIII 

o o 

and I; the second XII and I. 

The symbol for Cimi is also peculiar and is in this form |^o\,f . The 
numbers over the column are XII and I. 

THIRD DIVISION. 

Day characters on Plate VIII. 

Plate VIII. 





FIKST 


DIVISION. 


(?) 


(?) 




Kan. 


Ix. 


XIII- 1. 


Oc. 


Ahau. 


XII-11. 


Cib. 


Cimi. 


I- 4. 


Ik. 


Eb. 


X- 4. 


Lamat. 


Ezanab. 


II- 2. 



VI-4. 



DAY COLUMNS AND NUMEEAL CHARAOTEKS. 169 





SECOND DIVISION. 




VII. 


VII. 




Ahau. 


Cimi. 


XIII- 1. 


Eb. 


Ezanab. 


I- 1. 


Kan. 


Oc. 


XII- 5. 


Gib. 


Ik. 


IV- 3. 


Lamat. 


Ix. 


VII-13. 
VII- 3. 



LEFT SECTION OF THIRD DIVISION. 

XII. XII. 

Cimi. Ahau. II- 2. X-10. 

Ezanab. Eb. VII- 5. XII-12(?). 

Oc. Kan. XIII- 3. 

Ik. Cib. X-11. 

Ix. Lamat. XII- 2(1). 

RIGHT SECTION OF THIRD DIVISION. 
I. 

Ahau. X-10. 

Eb. IX-10. 

Kan. V-10. 

Cib. 11-10. 

Lamat. (D-10. 
Ahau. 

Part of this section runs over on Plate VII. 

The figures in this division, which are all blue, are each seated on a 
large compound character, under one of the pairs of numerals above given, 
and pertaining to it as shown by the lines dividing these minor spaces. In 
the character on which each figure is seated there are, first, an Ahau of the 
usual size and form, to which is joined a black numeral; then several small 
Chuen symbols. The numeral over the Ahau belonging to the day num- 
bered I, as given above, is 9; that belonging to the day numbered II is 10; 
that belonging to the day numbered V is 11. 



170 



A STDDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO. 



The lists of day characters on this phito as given by M. de Charency, 
differ from the foregoing only in having Ix for the first day of the left col- 
umn of the upper division, and Kan for the first day of the light column 
of the same division. These two days are obliterated in the Manuscript 
and hence have to be restored, which can only be done by counting the 
intervals. 

The interval between the days in these two columns, as may be seen 
b}^ counting, is six days. This gives Kan as the first of the left-hand col- 
umn and Ix as the first of the right-hand; hence I conclude that this author 
is wrong in his restoration, or has made a mistake in transcribing-. Follow- 
ing out his plan, we would have an interval of sixteen days between Ix and 
Oc in the first column and of six between each of the others, and a like 
discrepancy in the other column. But I think it is evident, from what he 
says on page 30 of the same work, that he has unintentionally reversed 
these two days, as it is not sixteen days from Kan to Oc, as he says, but 
six. If we substitute Ix for Kan and Kan for Ix, we find all his numbers 
correct, except that it is only ten days from Lamat to Ezanab, instead of 
sixteen, as he states. 





Plate IX. 








FIRST DIVISION. 






• X (?). 








Men. 


VII-(?) The death symbol is 


found in this space occii 


Manik. 


(j>-(?) pying the place of 


one 


number of this pai: 


Cauac. 


il-i. 






Chuen. 


VI-4. 






Akbal. 


XIII-7. 

SECOND DIVISION. 






IV. 


IV. 






Cimi. 


Ahau. V-1. 




VII 1-4. 


Ezanab. 


Eb. XIII-3. 




X-3. 


Ik. 


Kan. VII-2. 




1-9. 


Oc. 


Cib. II-2. 






Ix. 


Lamat. IV-3. 




- 



' D^chiffrement des ficritures Calouliformes ou Mayas, p. 26. 



TIIOMAfi. I 



DAY COLUMNS AND NUMERAL CnAEACTERS. 



171 



THIRD DIVISION'. 



X. 


X. 






Ezanab. 


Lain at. 


XII-2. 


VII-3. 


Ran. 


Ix. 


X-3. 


1-5. 


Oc. 


Ahau. 


IX-2. 


VII- (?) 


Gib. 


Cimi. 


II-3. 




Ik. 


Eb. 


III-2. 





Plate X. 

FIRST DIVISION. 



Tliere ai-o no day 


characters in 


tliis division. 


V. 


SLCOND 

V. 


1 DIVISION. 


Oc. 


Ahau. 


VII-2. 


Cib. 


Cimi. 


V-9. 


Ik. 


Eb. 


IX-2. 


La mat. 


J^zanab. 


IV-8. 


Ix. 


Kan. 


V-4. 




THIRD 


DIVISION. 


VII. 


VII. 




Cib. 


Cimi. 


IX- 2. 


Ik. 


Eb. 


VII-12, 


Lamat. 


Ezanab. 


X-.l 


Ix. 


Kan. 


XIII- 3 


Ahau. 


Oc. 


VIII- 




Plate XI. 


IV. 


FIRST 


DIVISION. 


Ezanab. 






Oc. 


I-IO. 




Ik. 


- 8. 




Ix. 






Cimi. 







172 



A STUDY OF THE MAmiSCEIPT TROANO. 



SECOND DIVISION. 



(J) 


(I) 








Oc. 


Abau. 




II-l. 


XIII-2 


Cib. 


Cimi. 




(D-9. 


X-5 


Ik. 


Eb. 




IV 4. 




Lamat. 


Ezanab. 




IV-2. 




Ix. 


Kan. 




VI-2. 






THIRD 


DIVISION. 




IV. 


IV. 








Oc. 


Ahau. 




V-1. 


IV-2 


Cib. 


Cimi. 




IV-9. 




Ik. 


Eb. 




VII-2. 




Lamat. 


Ezanab. 




IX-4. 




Ix. 


Kan. 




XIII-6. 






Plate 


XII. 






FIRST 


DIVISION. 




X. 










Men. 


0-5. 




II- 6. 




Ahau. 


XIII-11. 




IX-13. 




Cbicchan. 


IX- 9. 




IX- 8. 




Oc. 


XIII- 4. 








Men. 


IX- 9. 









SECOND DIVISION. 



XII. 


XII. 






Ix. 


Abau. 


XIII- 1. 


IX-2. 


Cimi. 


Eb. 


XII- 2. 


XII-3. 


Ik. 


Kan. 


X-11. 




Ezanab. 


Cib. 


Ill- 3. 




Oc. 


Lamat. 


VII- 3. 





THOMAS.) DAY COLUMNS AND NUMERAL CHAEAUTEES. 173 

« 
THIRD DIVISION. 



I. 






Cimi. 


VII- 4. 


XIII- 3. 


Ezanab. 


®-17. 


X-10 


Oc. 


IV- 7. 




Ik. 


X- 2. 




Ix. 


X- 3. 





The lists of days on this plate, as given by Charency, agree with those 
here given, only in the middle division. Those of the first and third divis- 
ions, as given by him, are as folio v,^s: 

FIRST DIVISION. THIRD DIVISION. 

Men. Cimi. 

Ahau. Ezanab. 

Oc. Eb. 

Men. Ik. 

Men. Cib. 

Some of the characters on this plate are of a form found here only. 
The chai'acter for Oc in both divisions is unusual, an eve being inserted 




which throws back the broken line as shown in the annexed figure. 

The character for Chicchan in tlie first division is somewhat different 
from the usual form, as will be seen by the figure here given. 




So far as the list in the first division is concerned, there can be no doubt 
that the first and last characters represent ilie«. This would of itself require 
fin interval of five days between each two, if uniform tlu'oughout. 

Counting from Men to Ahau, we have an interval of five dnys; five 
more gives us Chicchan, five more Oc, and five more Men, as it should be. 

Now turning to the third division of this plate, we find that the interval 
between Cimi and Ezanab is twelve days; twelve more will give Oc. 
twelve more Ik, and twelve more Ix, which makes the days and the order 



174 



A STUDY OF TDE MANUSCEIPT TROANO. 



precisely like that of the right-hand column of the middle division of Plate 
VllI as given by both Charency and myself, and regarding which there can 
be no doubt. 

The reader will see that Charency's arrangement of this third division 
(Plate XII) gives twelve days for the first interval, fourteen for the second, 
ten for the third, and fourteen for the last. 

The character for Ix in this division is an unusual one, being as here 

represented. S^^^^ 



III. 

Kan. 

Oc. 

Cib. 

Ahau. 

Ik. 



XIII. 

Cib. 
Kan. 
Lamat. 
Ahau. 

EbC?). 

X. 

Oc. 

Cib. 

Ik. 

Lamat 

Ix. 



Plate 


: XIIL 


FIRST DIVISION. 


III. 




Lamat. 


II-2. 


Ix. 


1II-9. 


Cimi. 


V-2. 


Eb. 


X(1)-4. 


Ezanab. 


VII-5. 


SECOND 


DIVISION. 


XIIL 




Oc. 


V-L 


Ik. 


XIII-9. 


Ix. 


III-l. 


Cimi. 


II-5. 


Ezanab. 


IV- 1. 


THIRD 


DIVISION. 


X. 




Ahau. 


Ill- 3. 


Cimi 


X-10. 


Eb. 


VII- 4. 


Ezanab. 


X- 2. 


Kan. 


XI- 4. 



XIII-2. 
XI-2. 



X-3. 
VIl-2. 



XIII-3. 



THOMAS 1 DAY COLUMNS AND NUMEEAL OHAEAOTEllS. 1 75 

The character for Cimi is similar to that in the middle division of Plate 
VII. 

Plates XIV and XV are so badly damaged that the numerals and da,y 
characters cannot be satisfactorily made out. 

Plates XVI and XVII. 

All the divisions of Plate XVII extend over and occupy the whole of 
Plate XVI. 





FIRST DIVJSION. 




IV. 






Ahau. 


VIII-4. 


XI-11. 


Eb. 


1-6. 


VI- 8. 


Kan. 


X-9. 


IV-ll. 


Gib. 


XIII-3. 




Lamat. 







SECOND DIVISION. 



I. 






Caban. 


IX- 8. 


11-12. 


Muluc. 


Ill- 7. 


- 4, 


Ymix. 


XlII-10. 




Been. 


V-(?). 




Chicchan. 


X-6. 

THIRD DIVISION. 




XII. 






Chicchan. 


Ill- 4. 


VIII-10. 


Caban. 


VIII- 5. 


XII- 5. 


Muluc. 


II- 8. 




Ymix. 


x-co. 




Been (?)• 


X-13. 





176 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCKIPT TEOANO. 



Plate XVIII. 

The column of day characters belonging to the first division of this 
plate is found in the first division of Plate XIX. 





SECOND 


DIVISION. 




IV. 


IV. 






Cimi. 


Ahau. 


III-2. 


IV-4. 


Ezanab. 


Eb. 


VIII-5. 




Oc. 


Kan. 


1-5. 




Ik. 


Gib. 


XII-5. 




Ix. 


Lamat. 


IX-5. 






THIRD 


DIVISION. 




X. 








Ezanab. 


IV-5. 


X-6. 


XI-6, 


Oc. 


(I)-4. 


IV-3. 


V-4. 


Ik. 


VIII-4. 


X-3. 


VIII-3. 


Ix. 


II-4. 


V-3. 


XII-4. 


Cimi. 


OD-iii. 








Plate XIX. 





The subject-matter of the first division of this plate occupies all the 
first division of Plate XVIII. 



FIRST D] 


[VISION. 


IV. 




Ahau. 


11-13. 


Eb. 


II-ll. 


Kan. 


XIII-11. 


Cib. 


X-10. 


Lamat. 


IV- 7. 



DAY COLUMNS AND NUMERAL CHARACTERS. 



177 



SECOND DIVISION. 



The red numerals in this division are doubled, as in the manner here- 
tofore shown. 





IX and IV. 












Cib. 




XI and VI- 


-10. 






Lamat. 




VII and 


II- 


■11. 






Ahau. 




IX and 


I- 


7. 






Eb. 




IX and IV- 


■ 2. 






Kan. 
















THIRD DIVISION. 








III. 






IIL 








Muluc. 






Cauac. 






X- 7. 


Men. 






Chicchan. 






Ill- 6. 


Ymix. 






Chuen. 






VI- 3. 


Manik. 






Caban. 






III-IO. 


Been. 






Akbal. 









The character in this division interpreted as Chicchan is an unusual 

one, being in this form: I-S^^- 

The numerals on Plates XXIV and XXV and those in the upper 
division of Plate XXVI being partially obliterated, we have omitted them. 

Plate XXVI. 



LOWER DIVISION. 



XIII. 

Ahau. 

Eb. 

Kan. 

Cib. 

Lamat. 



XIII-13. 
XIII-13. 
XIII-13 
XIII-13. 



12 M T 



178 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 





Plate XXVII. 




UPPER DIVISION. 


XL 




Ahata. 


X-13. 


Eb. 


XI-13. 


Kan. 


XI-13. 


Gib. 


XI-13. 


Lamat. 






LOWEE DIVISION. 


IX. 




Chuen. 


XIII (or XIV)-2. 


Caban. 


XI- 2. 


Akbal. 


VI- 2. -^ 


Muluc. 


IX- 3. " • 


Men. 


VI-10. : 


Ymix. 


IV- 4. 


Manib. 


IX- 3. 


Been. 




Chicchan. 




Cauac. 





We find in the day column of this division a rather unusual character 
for Chicchan, which is here showniC^-eVl- As the day .column entirely 



fills the space the numeral character which should be placed at the top is 
put at the side of the first day character. The first red numeral is as follows: 

O O O O 

^ --ii . The right-hand dot in the original is imperfect, small, and 

crowded, and, as I believe, is there by mistake. 



THOMAS.) DAY COLUMNS AND NUMERAL CHARACTERS. 179 

Plate XXVIII. 

The characters of the first division are somewhat obUterated, as are also 
the numerals. 

SECOND DIVISION. 

(1) 

Men. XI- 9. 

Manik. I- 9. 

Cauac. I- 9. 

Chuen. 1-17. 

Akbal. V- 7. 

THIRD DIVISION. 

XI. 

Ahau. VII- 2. 

Eb. CD-T. 

Kan. XI-10. 

Cib. XI-13. 
Lamat. 

FOURTH DIVISION. 

Men. I- 8. 

Manik. III-14. 

Been. XIII-13. 

Eb. 1-13. 

Chuen. V- 3. 

Plate XXIX. 

No day characters in the first, second, or third divisions. 

FOURTH DIVISION. 

XII 



Cimi. 


VI- 


Ezanab. 


VI-13. 


Oc. 


III-IO. 


Ik. 


XII- 9. 


Ix. 





180 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TEOAJSTO. 

Plate XXX. 

The left-hand compartments of the first, second, and third divisions of 
this plate are continuations of the first, second, and third divisions of Plate 
XXXI. The right-hand compartments of these three divisions form the 
commencement of, and contain the day characters for the first, second, and 
third divisions of Plate XXIX. 

SECOND DIVISION. 

(UK). 

Ik. 

Ix. 

Cimi. 

Ezanab. 

Oc. 

FIRST COLUMN', THIRD DIVISION. 

^ I The numerals are placed in this form over the 

Lamat. wwii ii"i i nr ii > column. They are probably to be taken in pairs, the 
Kan. CTB^^CT black characters representing two separate numbers, 

Ahau. " ^^ ■ ■* one stripe with the dots to be taken with the red nu- 
Cib. meral above, thus, V-9 ; the two remaining stripes with the red 
^■''^- numerals below thus, VII-IO. 

RIGHT COMPARTMENT, THIRD DIVISION. 



XIII. 




Muluc. 


XIII-13. 


Ix. 


XIII-13. 


Cauac. 


XIII-13. 


Kan. 


XIII-13. 


Muluc. 


XIII-13. 



There are no day characters in the fourth division. 



THOMAS.] 



DAY COLUMNS AND NUMERAL CHARACTERS. 



181 



Plate XXXI. 
Day characters obliterated in the first division. 



SECOND DIVISION. 





Kan. VII- 


-11. 






Cib. V- 


-11. 






Lamat III- 


-11. 






Ahau. ?- 


-11. 






Eb. IX- 


-11. 






THIED DIVISION. 






Chuen. 


Oc. 




Mviluc. 


Cimi. 


Cimi. 




Chicchan. 


Akbal. 


Ik. 




Ymix. 


Cauac. 


Ezanab. 




Caban. 


Men. 


Ix. 




Been. 



These columns all have the same numerals over them as the first 
column in the third division of Plate XXX, and they are arranged in the 
same way. There are no numerals in the spaces. 



FOURTH DIVISION. 



XIII. 


XIII. 




Ymix. 


Manik. 


IX- 9. 


Been. 


Cauac 


XII- 3. 


Chicchan. 


Chuen. 


IX-10. 


Caban. 


Akbal. 


XI- 2. 


Muluc. 


Men. 


XIII- 2. 



This division extends over to Plate XXX. 



182 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO, 



Plate 


XXXII. 


FIRST 


DIVISION. 


? 




Gib. 


XIII- 9. 


Lamat. 


- 8. 


Ahau. 


IX- 8. 


Eb. 


11-17. 


Kan. 


II- 9. 


SECOND 


DIVISION. 


(VIII?). 




Ik. 


I- 6. 


Ix. 


IX- 8. 


Cimi. 


II- I 


Ezauab. 


VIII-18. 


Muluc. 




THIRD 


DIVISION. 


(?) 




Ix. 




XII. 




Ix. 




VI. 


-In space, 


Ix. 




XIII. 




Cimi? or death symbol. 


FOURTH 


DIVISION. 


(?) 




Lamat. 


III-13. 


Ahavi. 


III-13. 


Eb. 


III-13. 


Kan. 


III-13. 


Gib. 





THOMAS. 1 



DAY COLUMNS AND NUxMERAL CHARACTERS. 
Plate XXXIII. 

FIRST DIVISION. 



183 





Kan. VII- 5. 






Muluc. II- 8. 






Ix. X- 1 






^ Cauac. XIII-15. 






Kan. VIII- 8. 






SKCOND DIVISION. 


-- 


Chuen. 


Ymix. 


11-11. 


Caban. 


Manik. 


X?- 3. 


Akbal. 


Been, 


VIII- 6. 


Muluc. 


Cauac. IV, or IX- 6. 


Men. 


Cliicchan. 

THIRD DIVISION. 


?- 4. 


Column left comf 


)artment. Column 


right compart 


V'l 




V.- 


Cauac. 




Kan. 


XII?. 




XII. 


Cauac. 




Kan. 


Vt?. 




VI. 


Cimi I 




Cimi?. 


XIII. 




XIII. 


Cimil 




Cimil. 



FOURTH DIVISION. 

Caban. III-13. 

Muluc. ' III-13. 

Imix. III-13. 

Been. III-13. 
Chicclian, 



184 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCRIPT TEOAI^O. 

Plate XXXIV. 
The fii'st and fourth divisions belong to Plate XXXV. 





SECOND DIVISION. 






IV. 








Cimi. 


XII-8. 




VI-8. 


Ezanab. 


XIII-71 




? ?. 


Oc. 


1-7, 




IX?-7?. 


Ik. 
Ix. 


IV-8. 

THIRD DIVISION. 
IV 1 








Ahau. XI- 


- ?. 






Eb. II- 


-17. 






Kan. IV- 


-15. 






Cib. 








Lamat. 







Plate XXXV. 
On this plate the day column in the second division is illegible. 

FIRST DIVISION. 





(?)-10. 






Lamat. 


VII-10. 




VIII-10. 


Been. 


V?-10. 




XII?-10. 


Ezanab. 
Akbal. 


I-IO. 
XI-10. 








THIRD DIVISION. 






(?) 








Ymix 


X- 


•10. 




Been. 


IX- 


-11. 




Caban. 


IX- 


-13. 




Chicchan. 


VIII- 


-12. 




Muluc. 


I- 


-12. 



THOMAS.) DAY COLUMNS AND NUMERAL CHARACTERS. 185 

FOURTH DIVISION. ' 

IV. 

Ahau. IX-11. 

Chicchan. 1-17. 

Oc. Ill or IV-17. 

Men. 

Ahau. 

Plate I*. 

No day characters are discernible in the first division of this plate. 

THIRD DIVISION. 

II 

Caban. I- 6. 

Ik. ^ I- 5. 

Manik. ?-13. 

Eb. 
Caban ? 

Plate II*. 

FIRST DIVISION. 

Manik. XI- 4. 

Eb. IX-151 

Caban. 

Ik. 

Manik. 



SECOND DIVISION. 



Left column. 

IX. 

Caban. IX-12. 

Ik. IX-13. 

Manik. IX-181 

Eb. 

Caban. 

This division is continued on Plate I* 
Left column, third division, illegible. 



Right column. 
Villi 

Ik. 11-13. 

Eb. IV-13. 

Manik. IV-11. 

Caban. 
Ik. 



186 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 





THIRD 


DIVISION. 




Right 


column. 


IV. 






Ahau. 






Eb. 




XI-13. 


Kan. 


^ 


IV-19 or 9 and 10: 


Cib. 






Lamat. 







CHAPTER VIII. 

A DISCUSSION OF DATES, WITH SPECIAL REFEPtENCE TO 
THOSE OF THE PEREZ MANUSCRIPT. 

As I have heretofore touched upon this topic, I must ask the reader to 
refer to what is there stated, that I may dispense with repeating it here. 
But it is proper to remind him here that having proven, at least satis- 
■ factorily to myself, that the Ahau consisted of twenty-four years, this 
number is alwaj^s to be understood whenever this period is mentioned in 
this discussion. In the second place, I start with tlie understanding that a 
loth Ahau closed with the year 1542. I have already given my reasons, 
somewhat at length, for this conclusion. I may add that Dr. Valentini, in his 
article on the Perez Manuscript, arrives at the same conclusion. Brasseur^ 
also concludes the 13th Ahau with the year 1542, as he gives the following 
explanation: ^^Bans le XIII Ahau Katun, cesi-a-dire, entre les annees 1518— 
1542"; thus counting twenty- four years to this period, notwithstanding his 
repeated statement elsewhere that it contained but twenty. We may there- 
fore feel assured that we have in these dates — the 24th year of the XIII 
AhauzrA. D. 1542 — one connecting link between the two chronological 
systems; and also that the author of the Perez Manuscript was correct in 
stating that at the period alluded to — the year 1536 — "six years were 
wanting to the completion of the 13th Ahau." 

In order that the reader may have before him as much of the data 
bearing upon this point as can be conveniently given here, I insert at this 
point a copy of the Perez Manuscript in the original, following it with 
the English translation. 

iffist. des Nat. Civ., II, 594, note 1. 

187 



188 A STUDY OF THE MANUSOEIPT TEOANO. 

THE MAYA MANUSCEIPT. 
MAXA. 

Lai u tzolan Katun lukci ti cab ti yotoch Nonoual c4nte anilo Tutul 
Xiu ti cliikin ZuinA; u luumil u talelob Tulapan cliiconahthan. 

1 . C4nte bin ti Katun lie u ximbalob ca uliob uay e yetel Holon-Clian- 
tepeub yetel u cuchulob: ca hokiob ti petene uaxac Ahau bin yan cuchi, 
uac Ahau, can Ahau, cabil Ahau, caiikal haab catac hunppel haab; tumen 
hun piztun oxlahun Ahau cuchie ca uliob uay ti petene cankal haab catac 
hunppel haab tu pakteil yete cu ximbalob lukci tu luumilob ca talob uay ti 
petene Chacnouitan lae. 

2. Uaxac Ahau, uac Ahau, cabil Ajau; kuchci Chacnouitan Ahmekat 
Tutul Xiu hunppel haab minan ti hokal haab cuchi yanob Chacnouitan lae. 

3. Laitun uchci u chicjDahal tzucubte "Ziyan-caan lae Bakhalal, can 
Ahau, cabil Ahau, oxlahun Ahau oxkal haab cu tepalob Ziyan-caan ca 
emob uay lae; lai u haabil cu tepalob Bakhalal chuulte laitun chicpahci 
Chichen Itza lae. 

4. Buluc Ahau, bolon Ahau, uuc Ahau, ho Ahau, ox Ahau, hun Ahau 
uac kal haab cu tepalob Chichen Itza ca paxi Chichen Itza, ca binob cahtal 
Champutun ti yanhi u yotochob ah Ytzaob kuyen uincob lae. 

5. Uac Ahau, chucuc u luumil Chanputun, can Ahau, cabil Ahau, 
oxlahun Ahau, buluc Ahau, bolon Ahau, uuc Ahau ho Ahau, ox Ahau, hun 
Ahau, lahca Ahau, lahun Ajau, uaxac Ahau, paxci Chanputun, oxlahun 
kaal haab cu tepalob Chanputun tumenel Ytza uincob ca talob u tzacl^ u 
yotochob tu eaten, laix tun u katunil binciob ah Ytzaob yalan che yalan 
aban yalan ak ti numyaob lae. 

6. Uac Ahau, can Ahau, ca kal haabcatalob u hedzob yotoch tu eaten 
ca tu zatahob Chakanputun. 

7. Lai u katunil cabil Ahau, u hedzci cab Ahcuitok Tutul Xiu Uxmal. 
Cabil Ahau, oxlahun Ahau, buluc Ahau, bolon Ahau, uuc Ahau, ho Ahau, 
ox Ahau, hun Ahau, lahca Ahau, lahun Ahau, lahun kal haab cu tepalob 
yetel u halach uinieil Chichen Itza yetel Mayalpan. 

8. Lai u katunil buluc Ahau, bolon Ahau, uac Ahau, uaxac Ahau, 
pa,xei u halach uinieil Chichen Itza tumenel u kebanthan Hunac-eel, ca uch 



THOJiAs.] THE PEEEZ MANUSCRIPT. 189 

ti Chacxib cbac Cliichen Itza tu kebanthan Ilunac-eel u balacb uinicil 
Mayalpan ichpac. Cankal baab catac labvin piz baab, tu labun tun uaxac 
Ahau cucbie; lai u haabil paxci tumenel Abzinte-yutcban yetel Tzunte-cum, 
yetel Taxcal, yetel Pantemit, Xucbu-cuet, yetel Ytzcuat, yetel Kakaltecat 
lay u kaba uinicilob: lae nuctulob abmayapanob lae. 

9. Laili u katunil uaxac Abau, lai ca binob u pa ab Ulmil Abau tume- 
nel u uabal-uabob yetel ab Ytzmal Ulil Abau ; lae oxiabun uuclz u katunilob 
ca paxob tumen Hunac-eel: tumenel u dzabal u naatob; uac Abau ca 
dzoci; bunkal baab catac can labun pizi. 

10. Uac Abau, can Abau, cabil Abau, oxiabun Abau, buluo Abau, 
cbucuc It luumil icb pa Mayalpan, tumenel u pacb tulum, tumenel multepal 
icb cab Mayalpan, tumenel Ytza iiinicob yetel ab Ulmil Ahau lae; can 
kaal baab catac oxppel baab; yocol buluc Abau cucbie paxci Mayalpan 
tumenel abuitzil dzul, tan cab Mayalpan. 

11. Uaxac Abau lay paxci Mayalpan lai u katunil uac Ahau, can 
Abau, cabil Ahau, lai baab cu ximbal ca yax mani espanoles u yaxilci caa 
luumi Yucatan tzucubte lae, oxkal baab p^axac icb pa cucbie. 

■ 12. Oxiabun Ahau, buluc Abau uchci mayacimil icb pa yetel nohka- 
kil: oxiabun Ahau cimci Abpula: uacppel baab u binel ma dzococ u xocol 
oxiabun Ahau cucbie, ti yanil u xocol baab ti lakin cucbie, canil kan cum- 
lahi pop tu holhun Zip catac oxppeli, bolon Yniix u kinil lai cimi Abpula; 
laitun ano cu ximbal cuchi lae ca oheltabac lay u xoc numeroil anos lae 1536 
anos cuchie, oxkal baab paaxac icb pS, cuchi lac. 

13. Laili ma dzococ u xocol buluc Ahau lae lai ulci espanoles kul 
uincob ti lakin u talob ca uliob uay tac luumil lae, bolon Ahau lioppci 
cristianoil ucbci caputzibil: laili ichil u katunil lae ulci yax obispo Toroba 
u kaba, heix ano cu ximbal uchie. 

[Translation.] 

This is the series of "Katunes" that elapsed from the time of tlieir 
departure from the land and house of Nonoual, in which were the four 
Tutul Xiu, lying to the west of Zuina, going out of the country of Tulapan. 

§ 1. Four epochs were spent in traveling before they arrived here with 
Holon-Cbantepeub and his followers. When they began their journey 
toward this island it was the 8tli Abau, and the 6tb, 4tb, and 2d were spent 



190 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO. 

in traveling; because in the year of the 13th Ahau they arrived at this 
island, making together eighty-one years they were traveling, between their 
departure from dieir country and their arrival at this island of Chacnoui- 
tan. (Years, 81.) 

§ 2. The 8th Ahau, the 6th Ahau; in the 2d Ahau arrived Ajmekat 
Tutul Xiu, and ninety-nine years they remained in Chacnouitan. (Years, 
99.) 

3. In this time also took place the discovery of the province of Ziyan- 
caan, or Bacalar, the 4th Ahau and 2d Ahau, or sixty years, they had ruled 
in Ziyan-caan when they came here. During these years of their govern- 
ment of the province of Bacalar occurred the discovery of Chichen Itza. 
(Years, 60.) 

4. The 11th Ahau, the 9th, 7th, 5th, 3d, and 1st Ahau, or 120 years, 
they ruled in Chichen-Ttza, when it was destroyed, and they emigrated to 
Champoton, where the Itzaes, holy men, had houses. (Years, 120.) 

5. The 6th Ahau they took possession of the territory of Champoton; 
the 4th Ahau, 2d, 13th, 11th, 9th, 7th,' 6th, 3d, 1st, 12th, 10th, and 8th 
Champoton was destroyed or abandoned. Two hundred and sixty years, 
the Itzaes reigned in Champoton, when they returned in search of their 
homes, and they lived for several katunes under the uninhabited mountains. 
(Years, 260.) 

6. The 6th Ahau, 4th Ahau, after forty years, they returned to their 
homes once more, and Champoton was lost to them. (Years, 40.) 

7. In this Katun of the 2d Ahau, Ajcuitok Tutul Xiu estabhshed him- 
self in Uxmal; the 2d Ahau, the 13th, 11th, 9th, 7th, 5th, 3d, 1st, the 12th 
and 10th Ahau, equal to 200 years, they governed in Uxmal, with the gov- 
ernors of Chichen-Itza, and of Mayapan. (Years 200.) 

8. These are the Katunes 11th, 9th, and 6th Ahau. In the 8th 
Ahau the governor of Chichen-Itza was deposed, because he murmured dis- 
respectfully against Hunac-eel. This happened to Chacxibchac of Chichen- 
Itza, governor of the fortress of Mayapan. Ninety years had elapsed, but 
the 1 0th year of the oth Ahau was the year in which he was overthrown by 
Ajzinte-yutchan, with Tzuntecum, Taxcal, Pantemit, Xuch-uenet Ytzcuat, 
and Kakaltecat; these are the names of the seven Mayalpanes. (Years 90.) 



THOMAB.] THE PEEEZ MANUSCRIPT. 191 

9. In the same Katun of the 8th Ahau they attacked Chief Ulmil, in 
consequence of his quarrel with Uhl, Chief of Yzamal; thirteen divisions 
of troops he had when he was routed by Hunac-eel; in the 6th Ahau the 
war was over, after 34 years. (Years 34.) 

10. In the 6th Ahau, 4th, 2d, 13th, and 11th Ahau, the fortified terri- 
tory of Mayapan was invaded by the men of Itza, under their Chief Ulmil, 
because they had walls, and governed in common the i>eople of Mayapan: 
eighty-three years elapsed after this event, and at the beginning of the 11th 
Ahau Mayapan was destroyed by strangers of the Uitzes, Highlanders, as 
was also Tancaj of Ma3'apan. (Years 83.) 

11. In the 8th Ahau, Mayapan was destroyed, the epochs of the 6th,^ 
4th, and 2d Ahau elapsed, and at this period the Spaniards for the first time 
arrived, and gave the name of Yucatan to this province, sixty years after 
the destruction of the fortress. (Years 60.) 

12. The 13th and 11th Ahau, pestilence and small-pos were in the 
castles. In the 13th Ahau Chief Ajpula died; this year was counted 
toward the east of the wheel, and began on the 4th Kan. Ajpula died 
on the 18th day of the month Zip, in the 9th Ymix; and that it may be 
known in nimibers, it was the year 1536, sixty years after the destruction 
of the fortress. 

13. Before the termination of the 11th Ahau the Spaniards arrived. 
Holy men from the east came with them when they reached the land. The 
9th Ahau was the commencement of baptism and Christianity; and in this 
year was the arrival of Toroba (Toral), the first bishop. 

Before entering upon a discussion of this manuscript I will attempt to 
connect the two chronological systems at one or two other points, in refer- 
ence to which we find some data left on record besides that found in the 
manuscript. 

The destruction of Mayapan (the last one, if there Avere two, as stated 
by this authority) was an important event likely to be remembered by the 
people at the time of the Spanish conquest, as it was the beginning of a 
marked change in the condition of affairs in Yucatan, and occurred, at the 
earliest, not more than a hundred years before the first appearance of these 
invaders on the coast of this peninsula. 



192 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

As I have already shown, the important event alluded to by Perez as 
occurring in the year 7 Cauac of the 8th Ahau, which he fixes in 13iJ3, 
really happened in 1435, as we see by correcting the manifest error of his 
calculation. This event, I believe, was the destruction of Mayapan, which 
this manuscript asserts took place in the 8th Ahau. 

The two statements in this document — first (in the 11th paragraph), 
that the first arrival of the Spaniards, at the close of the 2d Ahau (1518), 
was 60 years after the fall of Mayapan; second (12th paragraph), that the 
year 1536 was 60 years after this event — cannot both be correct; one or the 
other, or both, must be erroneous. Rejecting the latter, and counting three 
Ahaues, the number the author gives, at 24 years each, instead of 20 (the 
length at which he estimates them), we have 72 years, which, deducted, 
carries us back to 1446. This corresponds exactly with Landa's computa- 
tion. Herrera^ says that this happened, "according to the reckoning of the 
Indians, about seventy years before the Spaniards came into Yucatan," which 
would place it in 1448. According to the tables I have given, the 8th Ahau 
included the years 142^-1446, which agrees exactly with Brasseur's calcu- 
lation {Hist des Nat. Civ?), in which work he appears to have adopted 24 
years as the number to an Ahau, instead of 20, as in his notes to Landa and 
the Perez Manuscript. As I was not aware of this fact until after the preced- 
ing part of this paper was delivered for publication, I call attention to it now, 
as it is apparent from this that his comparison of the dates of the two systems 
must agree throughout precisely with what is given in my Table XVII. 

If we are correct in counting 24 years to an Ahau, then it is certain 
the 8th must have included from 1423 to 1446; and ifthe document referred 
to by Perez (which unfortunately was lost) was right in stating that 7 Cauac 
was the year of the destruction, it occurred in 14o5. 

We learn from Herrera {loc. cit.) that this city was destroyed five hundred 
years after it was built. As a matter of course, this is given in round num- 
bers, and cannot be considered as exact; yet it will afford some aid in our 
comparison. Deducting 500 from 1435 gives us the year 935 as the date 
of the founding of the city, which may be considered as at least approxi- 
mately correct. Counting back by Ahaues, we ascertain that this would fall 
in the 11th of the preceding grand cycle. 

'Dec. Ill, lib. vi, cap. 3. =11, 593. 



THOMAsi THE PEREZ MANUSCRIPT. 193 

Although, as shown by Table XVII, the grand cycles, if counted from 
the year 1 of each period, would begin with the 1st Ahau, yet, as the 
Indians chose, for some reason, to begin these periods with the 13th, our 
calculations must correspond with this arbitrary selection. I therefore give 
here a brief table of cycles, with the corresponding years of our era, run- 
ning backward : 

Years. 

Fourth grand cycle : 1519-1830 

Third grand cycle 1207-1518 

Second grand cycle 895-1206 

First grand cycle 583- 894 

The numbers given the grand cycles are (for the present, at least) arbi- 
trary, given simply as a means of reference. We see from this table that 
the year 935 would fall in the grand cycle numbered 2, and, as before stated, 
in the 11th Ahau. Referring to this manuscript again, we see that Mayapan 
is first mentioned in the 7th paragraph, where it is stated that "the 2d Ahau, 
13th, 11th, 9th, 7th, 5th, 3d, 1st, 12th, and 10th Ahau, 200 years, they [the 
Tutul Xiu] governed in Uxmal with the governors of Chichen-Itza and 
Mayapan." 

Here we find our 11th with but two Ahaues preceding it, or, as we 
judge from the preceding clause^-" In this Katun of the 2d Ahau" — but 
one and part of another. Supposing Mayapan to have been in existence at 
the commencement of the periods here named, it would carry us back only 
some forty or fifty years beyond Herrera's general statement; but this is 
more than accounted for by the difference in the estimated length of the 
Ahau. 

If we count the Ahaues necessary to complete the number from the 2d 
in the commencement of the seventh paragraph to the 2d in the eleventh 
paragraph when the Spaniards first appeared, filling up the lacunae and 
making the correction in the eighth paragraph suggested by Dr. Valentini, 
we shall find the number to be as follows: 

2, 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2. 
13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2. 

Making 27 Ahaues, or 648 years. 

13 M T 



194 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEAOIS^O. 

Deducting- this from 1518, the time when the Spaniards appeared on 
the coast, it carries us back to the year 870. If carried back only to the first 
year of the 11th of the first series, it gives the year 918, which difi"ers but 
17 years from the date (935) given above from Herrera's statement, a differ- 
ence less than one Ahau. I am inclined, therefore, to believe the first line 
of the 8th paragraph properly belongs to the 7th, and that it Avas the inten- 
tion of the writer to say that "with the governors of Chichen-Itza and 
Mayapan these Katunes, 11th, 9th to the 6th." In the 8th Ahau trouble 
arose between the parties to the compact, bvit the war did not end until in 
the 6th. It is probable, therefore, that the chronicler's data mentioned the 
1 1th Ahau as the beginning of the compact, and that this was near the time 
when Mayapan was built. 

According to Herrera, Chichen-Itza was already in existence when 
Cuculkan appeared and founded Mayapan. He further states that "whilst 
the Cocomes [who were given authority immediately after Cuculkan's de- 
parture] lived in this regular manner, there came from the southward, and 
the foot of the mountains of Lacando, great numbers of people, looked 
upon for certain to have been of the province of Chiapa, who traveled forty 
years about the deserts of Yucatan, and at length arrived at the mountains 
that are almost opposite to the city of Mayapan, where they settled and 
raised good structures, and the people of Mayapan some years. after, liking 
their way of living, sent to invite them to build houses for thoir lords in 
the city. The Tutul-Xm, so the strangers were called, accepting of their 
courtesy, came into the city, and their people spread about the country, sub- 
mitting themselves to the laws and customs of Maj'apan, in such peaceable 
manner that they had no sort of weapons, killing their game with gins and 
traps." (Loc. eit.) 

This agrees precisely with the order of events in the Manuscript, except 
that nothing is mentioned corresponding with the 40 years of the 6tli para- 
graph 

In the pi'ophecy by Nahau Pech, preserved in Lizana's work and copied 
by Brasseur into the chrestomathy of his Maya grammar, these passages 
occur: 

"We have come now to the fourth period," or perhaps more correctly, 



THOMAS] THE PEREZ MANUSCRIPT. 195 

3. "The time to the fourth series of epochs draws to a close," 

4. "In which shall be ushered in the day of the true Grod." Also, 

8. "Such is the prophecy of Nahau Pech, the priest, 

9. "At the time of the fourth great cycle {Aliau Katun). 
10. "In the commencement actual of the series of epochs."^ 

The rendering of Katimil, here translated "series of epochs," is uncer- 
tain. In Stephens's translation of the Perez Manuscript it is sometimes ren- 
dered "Katunes," sometimes "Katun"; in Brasseur's translation, "periods," 
"cycle," and in Lizana's, "edades" or ages The definition of the word as 
given in Brasseur's lexicon (it is not found in full in Perez's lexicon) is 
"Ensemble des ^poques ou cycles." 

It is true that "Ahau Katun" is sometimes used as equivalent to 
"Ahau," but this is very rarely, if ever, found in the few Maya documents 
that remain to us. The true rendering appears to be "Grand or Great 
Cj^cle,". as given in the J th line of Nahau Pech's prophecy. If this inter- 
pretation, which is that given by Abbe Brasseur, is the correct one, we then 
find here the number of one of the great cycles. To suppose that the 
number here refers to the Ahau will carry this prophecy back to the year 
1470-'71, which is improbable. 

The prophecy of Chilam Balam commences with Ox lahun ahau u 
hedsinil katun, the literal translation of which is, according to Brasseur, 
"The thirteenth Ahau its foundation of the Katun"; probably equivalent to 
Lizana's Spanish "In the end of the thirteenth age." 

It is obvious from the contents of this prophecy that it was made after 
the arrival of the Spaniards in that country, and after their appearance and 
religion became known; hence, as it was delivered in the 13th Ahau, it 
must have been between the years 1518 and 1541. It is not probable that 

' Dr. Brinton, following Lizana, translates the -whole, prophecy as follows : 
1. " What time the sun shall brightest shine, 
9. Tearful will be the eyes of the king. 

3. Four ages yet shall be inscribed, 

4. Then shall come the holy priest, the holy god. 

5. With grief I speak what now I see. 

6. Watch well the road ye dwellers in Itza. 

7. The master of the earth shall come to us. 

8. Thus prophecies > aliau Pech, the seer, 

9. In the days of the fourth age, 
10. At the time of its beginning." 



196 



A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 



the one by Nahau Pech (a well-known family at the time of Montejo's 
arrival) is many years older, probably dating the first year of the 13tli 
Ahau, which would, according to his statement, be the first of the 4th great 
cycle. 

If we assume that these great periods were numbered in regular order, 
1, 2, 3, 4, which is more than probable, as they were but seldom referred 
to, then we have evidence here that the Itzae record ran back three great 
cycles — 936 years before the year A. D. 1519, that is to the year 583 of 
the Christian era. In order that we may compare this calculation with the 
manuscript, I will give here a list of the Ahaues, commencing with number 
8, previous to the beginning of the 1 st great cycle as counted after Nahau 
Pech, with the years of the Christian era corresponding to their last years. 



Aliaues preced- 


ing. 




00 




Si 


, 


cS 


'^ 


a> 


s 


lo 


<s 




ra 


cS 


< 


iA 


10th 


486 


8th* 


510 


6th 


534 


4th 


558 


2d 


582 



First Great 




Second Great 




Third Great 


Gycle. 




Cycle. 




Cycle. 


i 
i 

-a 
< 


'1 

CO 
CS 


<1 


i 


i 
< ■ 




13th 


606 


13th 


918 


13th 


1230 


11th 


630 




11th 


942 




11th 


1254 


9th 


654 




9th 


966 




9th 


1278 


7th 


678 




7th 


990 




7th 


1302 


5th 


702 




5th 


1014 




5th 


1326 


3d 


726 




3d 


1038 




3d 


1350 


1st 


750 




1st 


1062 




1st 


1374 


12th 


774 




12th 


1086 




12th 


1398 


10th 


798 




10th 


1110 




10th 


1422 


8th 


822 




8th 


1134 




8th 


1446 


6th 


846 




6th 


1158 




6th 


1470 


4th 


870 




4th 


1182 




4th 


1494 


2d 


894 




2d 


1206 




2d 


1518 

1 



The three great cycles completed at the 
ecy (if sucli be the proper interpretation of 



time of Nahau Pech's proph- 
his words) I presume beign 



TH0MAS.1 THE PEREZ MANUSCRIPT. 197 

with the founding of Chichen Itza, which, according- to my calculation, 
would be about 583-606 (the 13th Ahau). It is a little remarkable that 
the first mention of this city occurs in the close of the third paragraph, 
exactly where the 13th Ahau must be inserted to fill a hiatus. 

The number of years given and periods mentioned in the first three 
paragraphs cannot by any possible explanation be made to agree with each 
other. This part of the history of the Tutul-Xiu race is doubtless made up 
from a dim tradition in reference to which no chronological statement could 
be made. As any attempt to determine the length of time they were 
wandering, from the date of their departure fi'om Tulapan until they settled 
at Chichen-Itza, would be wholly conjectural, we will, perhaps, be as near 
right as any other guess, if we assume that th-e 8th Ahau of the second 
paragraph is the same as the 8th of the first, in other words, that' the num- 
bers in the second are but a recapitulation of those in the first, and that 
the 13th in the latter is the one which precedes the 11th in the fourth pai'a- 
graph. Supposing the3' started on their travels in the 8th Ahau, this would 
bring this event between the years 486-510. 

As the author of this manuscript counted twenty years to an Ahau and 
I count twenty-four, our lists cannot possibly agree. If there are any 
numbers given, connected with particular and noted events, which numbers 
were given in the author's data, with these my enumeration, if correct, 
might coincide. The fall of Mayapan in the 8th Ahau, the appearance of 
the Spaniards on the coast in the 2d, and the death of Ajpula in the 13th, 
I think may be relied upon as events correctly dated. 

If we count the years enumerated from the 2d Ahau in the seventh 
paragraph, where Mayapan is first mentioned, to the 8th, in the eleventh 
paragraph, when the second destruction of this city occurred, we find the 
number to be 367; adding in the missing epochs at twenty years each, we 
have 527, which agrees very well with Herrera's statement. But this gives 
us something over twenty-six of these periods, whereas the correct number 
would be twenty-two. The exact numbers (of years) given in the ninth 
and tenth paragraphs render it possible that these were obtained from the 
author's data. 



CHAPTER IX. 

INSCRIPTIONS ON THE PALENQUE TABLET. 

In referring to the Tablet I will make use of Dr. Rau's scheme of num- 
bering and lettering the characters which is given below. In order to avoid 
introducing small cuts of separate characters, I have requested that a copy 
of his plate of the entire Tablet be inserted (Plate IX). 

A slight examination of this tablet is sufficient to convince any one 
familiar with the characters of the Manuscript Troano that there are here 
symbols of days and months corresponding almost exactly with those of 
that work. Whether the Maya calendar was the one used cannot be deter- 
mined with certainty, but that it was very similar cannot be doubted. I 
shall assume for the present that it was, but in order that the reader may 
have before him the data necessary for comparison will introduce here the 
names of the days of the Chiapan (or Tzendal) and Soconuscan calendar in 
the order given by Veytia, and also of the Quiche and Cakchiquel calen- 
dars as given by Bancroft. 



Chiapan (Tzendal ?) and Soconuscan. 


Quiche and Cakchiquel, 


Yotan. 


Imox. 


Chanan or Ghanan. 


Ig- 


Abah or Abagh. 


Akbal. 


Tox. 


Qat, 


M oxic. 


Can. 


Lambat. 


Carney. 


Molo or Mulu. 


Quieh. 


Elab or Elah. 


Ganel. 


Batz. 


Toh. 


Evob or Enob. 


Tzy. 


Been. 


Batz. 


Hix. 


Ci. 


Tziquin. 


Ah. 


198 





THOMAS.] 



THE PALENQUE TABLET. 



199 



Ohiapan (Tzendal?) and Socontjscan. 
Cbabin or Chabiu. 
Chic or Chiue. 
Cbinax. 

Cabogb or Cabogb. 
Agbual. 
Imox or Mox. 
Igb or Tgb. 



Quiche and Cakchiquel. 
Yiz or Itz. 
Tziquin. 
Abmak. 
Nob. 
Tibaz. 
Caok. 
Hanabpu. 



I shall take for granted that the inscription commences with the large 
character in the upper left-hand corner, but whether it is to be read in col- 
umns from top to bottom, or in lines from left to right, remains to be dis- 
cussed; the tendency of belief at present appears to be that it is to be read 
in lines from left to right. 

As I have demonstrated, satisfactorily to myself at least, that in the 
Manuscript Troano the characters are, as a general rule, placed in columns 
to be read from the top downwards, but that, where circumstances require 
it, they are placed in lines to be read from left to right, we will be justified 

ABCDEFGHIKL M NOPQ RSTUVWX 



1 














2 












3 












4 












5 












6 












7 












8 












9 












10 














II 














12 














13 














14 














15 














16 














17 















I 
2 


1 
2 


3 


3 


4 




5 




6 





20 



02 



Fig. 101. — Dr. Rau's index di.igram of the insciipti 

















1 
















2 
















3 


1 
















4 


3 
4 












5 














6 


S 














7 


6 














3 


V 

8 

,q 














9 














10 


10 














II 


11 














12 


13 
14 
J6 














13 














14 








^ 






15 
















16 
















17 



in assuming the same rule appHes to this tablet, especially as we here see 
single columns and single lines. But let us examine the inscription care- 
fully and see if we can find anything in it that will aid us in deciding this 



200 A STUDY OF THE MAIfUSGEIPT TEOANO. 

point. In doing so we may profit by the facts learned in reference to the 
Manuscript Troano on this subject, and the method of comparing characters 
used by Professor Holden in liis "Studies in Central Anaerican Picture 
Writing."^ 

Referring to the Palenquean group as shown in Plate IX, we observe 
that the first seven characters of the two columns immediately below the 
large initial are united so that each forms one compound character. If read 
in columns the natural inference from this would be that the remaining 
characters of these two columns are to be read by twos, thus: A 10 and B 10 
(Dr. Rau's scheme), then A 1 1 and B 11, next A 12 and B 12, and so on to 
the bottom. If this supposition be correct, then it is more than likely that 
the remaining columns on the side tablets are to be read in the same way, 
a view favored by the fact that each one of these tablets contains six columns. 

I call attention now to characters D 13, C 14. and D 14, which are often 
repeated in the inscription, varying only in the numerals — dots, or balls, and 
lines placed at the top and left side. If we represent these characters by 
letters thus: D 13 by a, C 14 by 6, and D 14 by c, we have here this order 

Referring now to E 5, F 5, and E 6, we find the same three charac- 
ters following each other in the same order, but placed thus : — '— , and, 





a 


h 


c 



a 


b 


c 





what is significant, if we include the next, F 6, we have the right portion 
of the first four (of the seven) doiible characters, but the order is reversed. 
At F 15, E 16, and F 16 we again have our three characters a, b, c. In the 
single column R we see a and b. At S 6 and T 6 we have the three, but 
here b and c are united in one compound character. At S 12 and T 12 we 
see a and b ; at U 3, V 3, and U 4; also at U 8, V 8, and U 9 ; also V 1 3, U 1 4, 
and V 14; at W 1, X 1, and W 2, and at X 11, W 12, and X 12, we find the 
same three characters following each other in the same order. We shall 
hunt in vain for any such combination of these characters between the sec- 
ond and third or fourth and fifth columns of either slab, nor can we find 
the three following each other in any column or line except in the four 
double characters. 

' First Aun. Rep. Bureau of EtbuoloRy. 




k. l-j 

XI 

XI 

4 
o 
> 

fa 

Q 

c 

o 

to 

15 
c 

H 



H 
55 
O 



13 
o 



o 



K 

o 
o 

K 

15 

<) 

c 

Pi 

Ed 



THOMAS.] 



THE PALENQUE TABLET. 



201 



As another example we select the two characters, S 1 and T 1, which 
are often found associated; as at U 6, V 6; U 16, V 16; W 3, X 3; and 
at W 17 and X 17, we find them in the same line, but always in the two 
columns they should be, if the theory above advanced as to the order 
in which the inscription is to be read be correct. • If the first of these 
two characters (which we may designate by m and n) should fall in the 
right of the two associate columns, then the other should be one line lower 



in the left of the two columns, thus: 





m 


n 





Such Ave find to be the case 



a 


h 
c 


d 


m 


n 


Kan 



by referring to T 7, S 8, to T 15, S 16, and V 1 1, U 12. But the evidence 
does not stop here. By examining Dr. Rau's photograph of the right tablet, 
we may extend this combination. We observe that S 6, our a, and T 6,- 
our h and c combined, are followed in S 7 by a character not heretofore 
alluded to. This we will designate by d. Following these, at 
T 7 is our m, at S 8 our n, and at T 8 Kan, as shown in the 
annexed diagram 1. 

Commencing with V 13 we find the same combination, 
except that one additional character is introduced thus: V 13 a, 
U 14 5, V 14 c, U 15 d, V 15 x, (the introduced character is x,) \J 16 in, 
Y 16 n,\J n Kan, as shown in diagram 2. 

Referring now to the figure of the Tablet on the back 
wall of Altar Casa No 3, forming the frontispiece of Stephen's 
"Central America," Vol. II, we see that there are four columns 
of characters on each side. At the bottom of the second col- 
umn of the right side we find our character a, and at the top 
of columns three and four our chai'acters i and c precisely as 
they should follow according to our theory. 

Turning again to our Plate IX and going over the entire inscription in 
this way, taking two columns together, thus, AB, CD, EF, ST, UV, and 
WX, we shall find frequent repetitions of such combinations, not to be 
found in any other way. The full force of this statement cannot be under- 
stood except by a thorough and careful study of the plate. If I am cor- 





a 


b 


c 


d 


X 


m 


n 


Kan 





2. 



202 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

rect in this opinion we will thereby be enabled to determine some doubtful 
characters, as, for example, that F 7, E 8 are the same as S 1, T 1, &c. 

According to this theory, the lines and columns in the middle portion 
of the Tablet should be read from the left to the right along the lines until 
a column is reached, and then down the column thus: G, H, I, K, to L, and 
then down the L column ; down the column then P and Q. Now, let us 
test this : In o we see the hand of our character m, although the loojD is to 
the right. If it is the same as m, then P 1 should be our n; but the char- 
acter as given by Catherwood is too imperfect to see any resemblance. But 
if we turn to Waldeck's plate or Dr. Eau's copy (Palenque Tablet, p. 33, Fig. 
7), we see the head and proti-uding tongue characteristic of character n. 

These facts, I think, are sufficient to establish the correctness of my 
theory. 

The lines and dots at the left and on the top of the characters I am 
satisfied are numerals havinof the same signification as those in the Manu- 
script — that is, a single dot 1; two dots, 2, and so on; a single line, 5; two 
lines, 10, and so on. Those on the top of the characters I think correspond 
with the red numerals in the Manuscript, for if we examine them we find 
none of them exceed thirteen. Those on the side I think refer in some 
cases to the number of the month, in others to the day of the month or the 
number of the day. Where the character is the symbol of a day, and has 
numerals also on top, those on the side I think refer to the number of the 
month, as they never exceed 18. When the character is the symbol of a 
month, then, they denote the day of the month, as we see that in some cases 
they exceed 18, but never exceed 20. Where the character is the symbol 
of a day and has numerals at the side only, these I think denote the number 
of the day, as they never exceed 13. The little balls and loops at the 
bottom, and also the loops so frequent at the left side, and occasionally 
found on the top of the characters, have been, and to a certain extent are 
yet, a profound mystery; but a careful study of the little loops at the left 
side, and also of part of those at the top, will show that they have no sig- 
nification whatever, but are left to fill out the squares and to form supports 
or guards to the little ball (or balls) — or numeral character for 1 (or 2)- — in 
connection with which they are chiefly used. If we examine the inscrip- 



THOMAS.! THE PALENQUB TABLET. . 203 

tion carefully, we shall find that they are never placed at the left where the 
outer or left line of the numeral character is 3, 4, or 5. On the contrary, 
they are always (with two exceptions) present where the left numeral line 
is one — that is, a single dot — and occasionally where there are two. 

The exceptions are R 2 and T 2; but an examination of tJie tablet in the 
National Museum shows very clearly that they have been broken off the 
latter and that they were probably originally on the former. Why do they 
accompany only those numerals with one or two dots at the left and no 
others? My answer is, simply to complete the square. This will probably 
explain the presence of small characters or irregular balls on the foreheads 
of some of the heads. The loops and balls at the bottom of the chai-acters 
probably have some particular signification, as something similar is observed 
in the Manuscripts, as, for example, under the symbol for the month Pax. 

I will now ask the reader to refer to Plate IX, representing the tablet. 
He will observe on each side and near to the upright of the cross two char- 
acters — four in all, two in the column marked M and two in that marked 
N. He is aware, from what has been shown in the previous part of this 
paper, that in the Tro. Manuscript each division of the plates, or each 
compartment, has at the left a column of days, usually five in number, 
though in a few instances there are but four. The four symbols by the 
cross I think are for precisely the same purpose as these day columns, and 
that the numeral five, at the side of each, probably corresponds with that 
placed over the columns. As the upper left-hand character (M 1) is Esandb, 
the equivalent of Chinax in the Chiapan calendar, which, according to 
Veytia's list, is one of the year-beai-ers, we might presume the four repre- 
sent the four year-bearers, Votan, Lamhat, Been, and Chinax, or their Maya 
equivalents Akhal, Lamat, Been, and Ezandb. But one objection to this sup- 
position is that the lower character at the right (N 2) does not correspond 
with the symbol of either of these days, but appears to be the same as (B 
10) on the left slab, which is probably Cimi of the Maya or Tox of the 
Chiapan list of days. But in these four characters Catherwood, usually so 
accurate, appears to be at fault, and Waldeck correct. 

Turning now to the general inscription on the left and right, I will 
endeavor to pick out and name the day characters, first notifying the reader 



204 



A STUDY OF THE MAJSTUSCKIPT TROANO. 



that there are two classes of these, one with numerals at the left side onlj^, 
the other with numerals both above and at the side. 

The little loops are not counted as units except when I am satisfied 
from an examination of the right slab in the museum that they denote 
spaces from which the balls have fallen. Where I am satisfied the charac- 
ter represents a day, but cannot determine what day, this fact will be indi- 
cated by an interrogation-point; the names in reference to which I am in 
considerable doubt will also be followed by an interrogation-point. The 
capital letters with numbers attached are given to locate the characters by 
Dr. Rau's scheme. 



Days indicated on the Tablet, with their accompany in [/ numerals. 



B 10. 
B 10. 



C 0. 

D 1. 

D 5. 

D 13. 

B 10. 

F 11. 

F 15. 

L 7. 



E 

S 



S 11. 

S 14. 

T 2. 

T 10. 



T 

U 



17. 

7. 



U 10. 

V 7. 

V 12. 
W 1. 
X 5. 
X LO. 
X 14. 



The day 5 Gimi. A 10. The day 

The day 13 ?. C 2. The day 

The day 13 Manik 1. 11. The day 

The day ? Chuen, ? month. D 3. The day 

The day 9 Chuen, 2d month. D 11. The day 

The day 12 Chuen, 1 month. E 1. The day 

The day 7 Chuen, 2d month. E 9. The day 

The day 3 I (Oc.1). F 10. The day 

The day 7 Chuen, 13th mouth. F 12. The day 

The day 8 ?, 12th month. G 1. The day 

The day 11 Chuen, 2d ? month. O 1. The day 

The day 5 ?. S 6. The day 

The day ■? Lamat. S 12. The day 

The day 2 ?. S 15. The day 

The day 11 Kan. T 8. The day 

The day 1 T 14. The day 

The day 8 Ahau. U 3. The day 

The day 3 Ezanab. U 8. The day 

The day 5 Ahau 1 U 17. The day 

The day 11 1 V 10. The day 

The day 5 ?. V 13. The day 

The day 4 Chuen, 17th month. W 15. The day 

The day 2 Ymix. X 0. The day 

The day 7 Kan. X 11. The day 

The day 3 Eb, lltli month. R 2. The day 



1 Ahau. 

8 1 

10 1 

4 Ahau. 

8 ? (Eb ?), 

9 Manik 1 
9 Manik ?. 

10 1 

9 Manik ?. 

9 1 

8 IMuluc. 

5 Chuen, 14th month. 

3 Chuen, 9th month. 
C Chuen, 3d mouth. 
1 Kan. 

10 1 

1 Chuen, 18th month. 

10 ? Chuen, 18th mouth. 
5 Kan. 

? Chuen, 3d month. 

Chuen, 10th month. 
8 Chuen, 2d month. 

1 Chuen, 1st month. 

4 Chuen, 7th mouth. 

11 Ciiueii, (ith month. 



Of this list, T 10, T 14, and V 7 may represent the month Xul instead 
of a day. It is possible that C 5 (8 Cauac ?), F 6 (2 Cauac ), and U 2 (9 
Cauac) should be added to the list as representing the days noted in paren- 
thesis. The day Chuen appears to be much oftener indicated than any 



THOMAsi THE PALENQUE TABLET. 205 

other. We shall also find that the same thing is true in reference to one of 
the months. I am in great doubt as to the character rendered Manik, 
which liere resembles the. Greek tau. S 14 is probably the symbol of 
Lamat. 

One singular fact to be noticed is that the form of the Kan symbol — 
for example, U 17, as given in Dr. Ravi's photograph — is more like Landa's 
figure than the Kan symbol in the Tro Manuscript. 

As I find no month characters in the Manuscript to assist me in judg- 
ing of the variations in form, and as I have not thoroughly studied those 
in the Codex, I feel greater uncertainty as to those found on the Tablet 
than I do in regard to the day characters. Pax seems to be the montli 
oftenest represented ; in fact, but few others appear to be indicated. The 
following characters I think represent this month: 

C 14, F 5, R 3, T 12, U 14, V 3, V 8, W 7, X 1, and X 15. 

The following are also probably month symbols : 
F 1, L9, T4, U 1, V 17, W 11. 

I am satisfied from the presence of numerals that there are other day 
and month symbols than those mentioned, but on account of my doubt as 
to which class they belong will not attempt now to decide. 

If the reader will examine carefully the character V 14, especially on 
Dr. Rau's photograph, he will see that it is almost identical with that in the 
Manuscript I have rendered ^ecMa/> "tortilla of maize" (see Fig. 64), 

Comparing this with the large initial, we find but a slight difference 
between the two; in the latter the comb-like figures are drawn down to the 
sides and the loops are placed above. In this the form of the central oval 
is not to be relied upon as strictly correct, as the lines are too freely 
rounded; still we presume it is slightly different from the little upper circle 
in V 14. Supposing the Maya language to have been used, and the char- 
acters on the Tablet to have the same signification as similar characters in 
the Manuscript, we should find in this initial sounds closely resembling 
those in pecuah ; as the bars are interlaced, I presume the first syllable should 
be^ec^ or pacJi. Turning to Landa's Relacion (264), we find that "In the 
month Pax they [the Mayas] celebrated a festival named Pacumchac, on which 
occasion the chiefs and priests of the inferior villages assembling with those of 



206 A STUDY OP THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

the more important towns, having joined together, they passed into the tem- 
ple of Citchaccoh," &g} If we interpret this character Pacumchac, we at once 
find a satisfactory exphmation of the repeated occurrence of the symbol tor 
Pax in the inscription. From Landa's description, which is somewhat con- 
fused, I judge this was one of their chief festivals, but nothing appears in 
his statement that accords with the scene on the middle slab. This, how- 
ever, cannot be properly urged as an objection to my rendering; first, 
because there were doubtless many formalities which he does not mention; 
second, because the ceremonies of this festival as practiced at Palenque may 
have been quite different from those observed by Landa; third, there are 
some reasons for believing, even from Landa's words, that during this festival 
petitions for rain and abundant crops were offered. I presume also that 
during this festival took place the rejoicing over the first fruits of the maize 
harvest. I may as well state here as elsewhere that I do not think the 
offering made by the priest on the right is an infant; the pi'obability is that 
it is a dough image. Although we see what appear to be the body and 
limbs, we have to assume that the head wears a mask to believe it to be the 
body of a child. If it is the figure of a child, then the scene represents a 
special occasion when the sacrifice was made to avert some impending 
danger. The difference in the height of the two priests favor the idea that 
the artist referred by his figures to particular persons, if not to a special 
occasion. Finally, it is possible that although the inscription relates chiefly 
to this festival others are also alluded to. But be this as it may, I have 
reached my conclusion as to the rendering by legitimate steps. 

The second compound character in the column is composed of three 
parts, the two to the right, which are alike, resembling, in some respects, 
the symbol of Imix, and in others, if the marks can be trusted, the hiero- 
glyph of Cauac and cu. We find almost precisely the same combination in 
the right-hand (second) column, Plate XX of the Manuscript, except that 
the two similar parts are above the face. The face in this case is almost 
exactly like that I have interpreted Xamin, "north." What is also a little 
significant, we find immediately below it the Pax or stone symbol just as 
we do here. 

' Appendix No. 3, O. 



TH0MA8.1 THE PALENQUE TABLET. 207 

Another fact which should be taken into consideration is that U 2 
appears to be identical with the two similar parts of this character. It 
undoubtedly denotes a month or day. If a month, it is impossible for me 
to determine which; if a day, it is undoubtedly Cauac, or the Chiapan 
equivalent, Cahogh. 

Turning to the middle plate between pages 158 and 159, Stephens's 
Central America, Vol. I, we observe that the third group from the bottom 
of the right column appears to be substantially the same as this' (A B 3). 
Here the two characters at the right are placed one above the other and 
appear to be Imix symbols, and the head that of a monkey. There are 
also some small additions not found in the other, but allowance must be 
made for the fact that the characters on this statue are not so carefully 
drawn as those on the Tablet. 

The next character below (A B 4), if we follow the rendering of the 
first, will contain the sound j9' cJi-c, and A B 5 that of jp' x. The next (A 
B 6) I think is the symbol for Chuen or contains the sound cJm A B 7, I 
am inclined to believe, is the symbol for likin or lahin, "east" or "rising sun." 

A 10 refers to a vessel of some kind, as I infer from the vase symbol 
at the bottom. C 1 3 probably represents a word or words with the sounds 
crt-^' or ^'-ca. Although F 2 has a central mark somewhat resembling that 
in Ik, I strongly suspect it to be the sj^mbol for the month Muan. 

In R 1 we see the bread symbol precisely as on the back of the dog, 
Plate XXI, and in the middle division, Plate III*, of the Tro. Manuscript. 

E 6, U 4, V 14, and X 12 probably denote tortillas of maize {2^i)ecuali). 

I shall not attempt an explanation of the central scene, but will call 
attention to a few points in reference to it. 

Crosses of some form with birds on them are found in three or four of 
the aboriginal manuscripts, as Plate III* of the Manuscript Troano, Plate 
30 of the Dresden Codex, and in one or two of the Mexican Codices. It is 
true none of them are so regvilar or so true as this, but they are evidently 
intended as representations of the cross and to symbolize the same general 
idea. Certain characteristics belong to all of them, as follows: First, they 
arise out of something that has life, as an animal or person; second, a vege- 
table growth therefrom, as a tree; third, the knobs at the ends of the arms, 



208 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

possibly indicating stars as emblematic of the heavens; and, fourth, the 
bird at the top. In this (the Palanque Tablet) we see at the base the head 
of some fabulous reptile, notwithstanding the opinion quoted in Dr. Rau's 
paper to the contrary. The appendages at the right and left just above the 
head are probably intended for fore limbs. By looking carefully at the 
upright we observe little knots on the sides opposite each other, indicating 
the nodes as marked on the figures of trees in the Manuscript. 

Referring to the middle plate between pages 156 and 157, Stephens's 
Central America, Vol. I, we observe on the back of the statue an abridged 
tyjDc of the Palenque cross. Here we see the same broad nose, the rows 
of teeth, and the spiral lines representing eyes, but we would never imagine 
it represented a head but for what we see on the Palanque Tablet. 

The arms issue from the upper portion of the head; the knobs are rep- 
resented by balls along the arms without stems; and the bird is changed 
into a human figure with wings and a little bird head. 



APPENDICES, 



APPENDIX NO. 1. 

Extracts from the '■^Belacion de Cosas de Yucatan" of Diego de Landa, in rela- 
tion to the festivals of the sufplementary or ' closing days of the year. 
§§XXXV-XXXVII {pp. 210-226). 

En qualquiera fiesta o solemnidad quo esta gente hazian a sus dioses, 
comencjavan siempre del echar de si al demonio para mejor la hazer. Y el 
echarle unas vezes eran con oraciones y bendiciones que para ello tenian, 
otras con servicios y offrendas y sacrificios que le bazian por esta razon. 
Para celebrar la solemnidad de su alio nuevo esta gente con mas regocijo y 
mas dignamente, segun su desventurada opinion, tomavan los cinco dias 
aciagos que ellos tenian por tales antes del primero dia de su auo nuevo y 
en ellos bazian muy grandes servicios a los Bacahes de arriba y al demonio 
que llamavan por otros quatro nombres como a ellos, es a saber Kan-u- 
Uayeyab, Chac-u- Uayeyah, Zac-u- Uayeyab, JEk-u- TJayeyah. Y estos servicios y 
fiestas acabadas y alancjado de si, como veremos, el demonio, comenQavan 
su ano nuevo. 

§ XXXV. — Fiestas de los dias aciagos. Sacrificios del principio del ano nuevo 

en la letra de Kan. 

Uso era en todos los pueblos de Yucatan tener hecho dos montones de 
piedra uno en frente de otro, A la entrada del pueblo, por todas las quatro 
partes del pueblo, es a saber a oriente, poniente, septentrion y medio dia, 
para la celebracion de las dos fiestas de los dias aciagos los quales hazian 
desta manera cada ano 

El ano que la letra dominical era de Kan era el aguero JSohnil, y segun 

14 M T 20!) 



210 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TROANO. 

ellos dezian, reynavan fimbos a la parte del medio dia. Este alio pues 
hazian una imagen o figura hueca de barro del demonio que llamavan 
Kan-u-Uayeyah, j llevavanla a los montones de piedra seca que tenian 
hechos a la parte de medio dia. Elegian un principe del pueblo, en cuya 
casa se celebrava estos dias esta fieste, y para celebrarla hazian una estatua 
de un demonio que llamavan Bolon-Zacab, al qual ponian en casa del princi- 
pal, adereQado en lui lugar publico y que todos pudiessen llegar. 

Esto hechose juntavan los senores y el sacerdote y el pueblo de los 
hombres, y teniendo limpio y con arcos y frescuras adereQado el camino 
hasta el lugar de los montones de piedra donde estava la estatua, ivan todos 
juntos por ella con mucha de su devocion : llegados la sahumava el sacerdote 
con quarenta y nueve granos de maiz molidos cori su encienso y ellos lo 
repartian en el brasero del demonio 5^ le suamavan. Llamavan al maiz 
molido solo sacali, y a lo de los senores chahalte. Sahumavan la imagen, 
degollavan una gallina y se la presentavan offrecian. 

Esto hecho metian la imagen en un palo llamado Kante y jjunendole 
acuestas un angel en senal de agua y que este ano avia de ser bueno, y 
estos angeles pintavin y hazian espantables; y assi la llevavan con mucho 
regocijo y vailes a la casa del principal donde estava la otra estatua de 
Bolonzacab. Sacavan de casa deste principal a los senores y al sacerdote al 
camino una bevida hecha de CCCC y XV granos de maiz tostados que 
llaman Picula Kakla y bevian todos della; llegados a la casa del principal, 
ponian esta imagen en frente de la estatua del demonio que alii tenian, y 
assi le hazian muclias offrendas de comidas bevidas de carne y pescado, y 
estas ofifrendas repartian a los estrangeros que alii se hallavan y davan al 
sacerdote una pierna de venado. 

Otros derramavan sangre, cortandose las orejas, y untando con ella 
una piedra que alii tenian de un demonio Kanal-Acantun. Hazian un 
corazon de pan, 3^ otro pan con pepitas de calaba9as y offrecianlos a la 
imagen del demonio Kan-n-Uayeydb. Tenianse assi esta estatua y imagen 
estos dias aciagos, y sahumavanla con su encienso y con los maizes molidos 
con encienso. Tenian creido si no hazian estas cerimonias avian de tener 
ciertas enfermedades que ellos tienen en este ano. Passados estos dias 
aciagos llevavan la estatua del demonio Bolonzacab al templo y la imagen a 



THOMAS] FESTIVALS OF THE SUPPLEMENTAL DAYS. 211 

la parte del oriente para ir alii otro ano por ella, y echavan la a}', y ivaiise 
a sus casas a entender en lo que les dava a cada iino que liazer para la cele- 
bracion del ano nuevo. 

Dexando con las cerimouias hechas, ecliado el demonio, segnn su cn- 
gano, este ano tenian por bueno, porque reynava con la letra Kan el Bacah- 
Hobnil, del qual dezian no avia peccado como sus liermanos y por esso no 
les venian miserias en el. Pero porque muchas verzes las avia, proveyo el 
demonio de que le hiziessen servicios paraque assi quando las uviesse, 
hecliassen la culpa a los servicios o servidores y quedassen siempre engafia- 
dos y ciegos. 

Mandavales pues hiziessen un idolo que llamavan Yzamna-Kauil y 
que la pusiessen en su templo, y que le quemassen en el patio del templo 
tres pelotas de una leclie o resina que llaman ¥ili y que le sacrificassen un 
perro o un liombre, lo qual ellos hazian, guardando la orden que en el ca- 
pitulo ciento dixe, tenian con los que sacrificavan, salvo que el modo de 
sacrificar en esta fiesta era diferente, porque hazian en el patio del templo 
un gran monton de piedras y ponian el hombre o perro que avian de sacri- 
ficar, en alguna cosa mas alta que el, 3^ echando atado al patiente de lo alto 
a las piedras le arrebatavan aquellos ofliciales y con gran presteza le sacavan 
el corazon y lo llevavan al nuevo idolo y se le ofrecian entre dos platos. 
Ofrecian otros dones de comidas y en esta fiesta vailavan las viejas del pueblo 
que para esto tenian elegidas, vestidas de ciertas vestidiu'as. Dezian que 
descendia un angel y i-ecibia este sacrificio. 

§ XXXVI. — Sacrificios del ano nuevo de la letra Miduc. Bailes de los Zancos 
Otro de las viejas con rierros de harro. 

El ano en que la letra dominical era Muluc era el aguero Canzienal. 
Y a su tiempo elegian los seflores y el sacerdote un principal para hazer la 
fiesta, el qual elegido hazian la imagen del demonio como la del ano passado, 
a la qual llamavan Cliac-u-Uayeyah y llevavanla a los montones de piedra 
de hazia la parte del oriente donde avian echado la passada. Hazian una 
estatua al demonio Uamado Kinch-Ahau. y ponianla en casa del principal en 
lugar conveniente y desde alii, teniendo muy limpio 5^ adereQado el camino, 



212 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TROANO. 

ivan todos juntos cou su acostutnbrada devocion por la imagen del demonio 
Chac-u- Uayeyah. 

Llegados la sahuniava el sacerdote con LIII granos de maiz molidos y 
con su encienso, a lo qual llaman zacah. Dava el sacerdote a los sefiores 
que pusiessen en el brasero mas encienso de lo que llamamos chahaUe, y 
despues degollavanle la gallina, como al passado, y tomando la imagen en 
uu palo Uamado CJiade, la llevavan accompailadola todos con devocion y 
vailando unos vailes de guerra que llaman Holcan- Okot, Batel-Okot. Sacavan 
al camino a los sefiores y principales su bevida de CCC y LXXX maizes 
tostados como la de atras. 

Llegados a casa del principal ponian esta imagen en frente de la estatua 
de Kinch-Ahau y hazianle todas sus ofrendas, las quales repartian como las 
demas. Ofrecian a la imagen pan liecho como yemas de uevos, y otros 
Qpmo cora^ones de venados, y otro heclio con su pimienta desleida. Avia 
muchos que derramavan sangre, cortandose las orejas, y untando con la 
sangre la piedra que alii tenian del demonio que llamavan Chacan-cantun. 
Aqui tomavan mochachos y les sacavan sangre por fuer(ja de las orejas, 
dandoles en ellas cuchilladas. Teriian esta estatua y imagen liasta passados 
los dias aciagos, y entre tanto quemavanle sus enciensos. Passados los 
dias, llevavan la imagen a ecliar a la parte del norte por ay donde otro ano 
la avian de salir a recibir, y la otra al templo, y despues ivanse a sus casas 
a entender en el aparejo de su ano nuevo. Avion de temer, si no hazian, 
las cosas dichas, mucho mal de ojositos. 

Este aiio en que la letra Muluc era dominical y el Bacab Canziemal 
reynava, tenian por buen ano, ca dezian que era este el mejor y mayor 
destos dioses Bacahes; y ansi le ponian en sus oraciones el primero. Pero 
con todo eso, les hazia el demonio hiziessen un idolo llamado Yax-coc-Ahmut, 
J que lo pusiessen en el templo y quitassen las imagenes antiguas, y hizies- 
sen en el patio de delante del templo un bulto de piedra en el qual quemassen 
de su encienso, y una pelota de la resina o leche Jdh, liaziendo alii oracion 
al idolo, y pidiendole remedio para las miserias que aquel ano tenian ; las 
quales eran poca agua, y echar los maizes muchos hijos y cosas desta ma- 
nera; para cuyo remedio, les mandava el demonio ofrecerle hardillas y un 



THOMAS.] FESTIVALS OF TDB SUPPLEMENTAL DAYS. 213 

paramento sin labores; el qual texessen las viejas que tienen por officio el 
bailar en el templo para aplacar a Yax-Coc-AJimut. 

Tenian otras muclias miserias y malos seiiales, aunque era bueno el 
ano, sino liazian los servicios que el demonio les mandava; lo qual era 
hazer una fiesta y en ella vailar un vaile en muy altos zancos y ofrecerle 
cabe(;as de pavos y pan y bevidas de maiz; avian de ofrescerle perros heclios 
de barro con pan en las espaldas y avian de vailar con ellos en las nianos las 
viejas y sacrificarle un perrito que tuviesse las espanaldas negras y fuesse 
virgen, y los devotes dellos avian de derramar su sangre y untar la piedra 
de Cliaca-cantun demonio con ella. Este servicio y sacrificio tenian por 
agradable a su dios Yax-Coc-Ahmut. 

§ XXXVII. — Sacrificios del am mievo de la letra Yx. Pronosticos malos y modo 

de remediar sus cfectos. 

El ano en que la letra dominical era Yx y el aguero Zacciiii, heclia la 
eleccion del principal que celebrasse la fiesta, hazian la imagen del demoniol 
llamado Zac-u-Uayeyah y llevavanla a los montoiies de piedra de la parte 
del norte, donde el ano passado la avian ecliado Hazian una estatua a, 
demonio Yzamna y ponianla en casa del principal, y todos juntos, y el caniino 
adera^ado, ivan devotamente por la imagen de Zac-u-Vayeydb. Llegados la 
sahumavan como lo solian hazer, y degoUovan la gallina y puesta la imagen 
en un palo llamado Zacliia, la tryan con su devocioii y bailes los quales 
llaman Alcahtan-Kamaliau. Traian.les la bevida acostumbrada al. camino y 
llegados a casa ponian esta imagen delante la estatua de Yzamna y alii le 
oflVecian todas sus off"rendas, y las repartian, y a la estatua de Zac-u-Uaye- 
yah ofrescian una cabe^a de un pavo, y empanados de codornices y otras 
cosas y su bevida. 

Otros se sacavan sangre y untavan con ella la piedra del demonio Zac- 
Acantun y tenianse assi los idolos los dias que avia liasta el aiio nuevo, y 
saumavanlos con sus saumerios liasta que llegado el dia postrero llevavan a 
Yzamna al templo y a Zac-u-Uayeyab a la parte del poniente a ecliarle por 
a y para recibirla otro ano. 

Las miserias que tenian este ano si evan negligentes en estos sus servi- 
cios eran desmayos y amortecimientos y mal de ojas. Tenianle por ruyn 



214 A STUDY OF THE MANUSOKIPT TKOANO. 

afio de pan, y bueno de algodon. Este ano en que la letra dominical era 
Yx, y el Bacab Zacciui reynava, teniau por ruyn ano, porqiie dezian avian 
de tener en el miserias muchas ca dezian avian de tener gran falta de agua, 
y muchos soles, los quales avian de secar los maizales, de que se les seguiria 
gran hambre, y de la hambra hurtos, de hurtos esclavos, y vender a los que 
los hiziessen. Desto se les avian de 'seguir discordias y guerras entre si 
propios o con otros pueblos. Dezian tambien avia de aver mudan9a en el 
mando de los senores o de los sacerdotes, por razon de las guerras y dis- 
cordias. 

Tenian tambien un pronostico de que algunos de los que quisiessen ser 
senores no prevalescerian. Dezian ternian tambien langosta, y que se 
despoblarian muchos de sus pueblos de hambre. Lo que el demonio les 
mandava hazer para remedio destas miserias las quales todas o algunas dellas 
entendian les vernian era hazer un idolo que llamavan Cinch-Ahau Yzanina, 
J ponerle en el templo, donde le hazian muchos saumerios y muchas ofrendas 
y oraciones y derramamientos de su sangre, con la qual untavan la piedra 
de Zac-Acantun demonio. Hazian muchos vailes y vailavan las viejas como 
solian, y en esta fiesta hazian de nuevo un oratorio pequefio al demonio, o 
le renovavan, y en el se juntavan a hazer sacrificios y offrendas al demonio, 
y a hazer una solemne borachera todos; ca era fiesta general y obligatoria. 
Avia algunos santones qvie de su voluntad, y por su devocion hazian otro 
idolo como el de arriba y le ponian en otros templos, donde se hazian ofrendas 
y borachera. Estas boracheras y sacrificios tenian por muy gratos a sus 
idolos, y por remedies para librarse de las miserias del pronostico. 

§ XXXVIIl. — Sacrificios del am nuevo en la letra Cauac Pronosticos nialos y 

su remedio en el haile del fuego. 

El ailo que la letra'dominical era Cauac y el aguero Hozanek, hecha la 
elecion del principal, para celebrar la fiesta hazian la imagen del demonio 
llamado Ehuvayeyah, y llevavanla a los montones de piedra de la parte del 
poniente, donde el ano passado la avian echado. Hazian tambien una estatua 
a un demonio llamado Uacmitun-Ahau, y ponianla en casa del principal 
en lugar conveniente, y desde alii ivan todos juntos al lugar donde la imagen 
de Ekuvayeyab estava, y tenian el camino para ello muy adere^ado; llegados 



TiioMAsi FESTIVALS OF THE SUPPLEMENTAL DAYS. 215 

a ella saumavanla el sacerdote y los senores, como solian y degollavanle la 
gallina. Esto hecho, tomavan la imagen en un palo que llamavan Yaxek, y 
ponianle acuestas a la imagen una calabera y un hombre muerto y en cima 
un paxaro cenicero llamado kuch, en serial de mortandad grande, ca por muy 
mal ano tenian este. 

Llevavanla despues desta manera, con su sentimiento y devocion, y 
bailando algunos vailes, entre los quales vailavan uno como cazcarientas y 
assi le llamavan ellos Xibalba-Okot, que quiere dezir baile del demonio 
Llegavan al cainino los escancianos con la bevida de los senores, la qual 
bevida llevavan al lugar de la estatua Uacmitun-Ahau, y poniale alii en 
frente la imagen que traian. Luego comen9avan sus ofrendas, saumerios 
y oraciones, y muchos derramavan la sangre de muchas partes de su cuerpo, 
y con ella untavan la piedra del demonio llamado Ekel-Acantun, y assi 
passavan estos dias aciagos, los quales passados, llevavan a Uacmitun-Ahau 
al templo, y a Ekuvayeyab a la parte de medio dia, para recibirla otro ano. 

Este ano en que la letra era Cauac j reynava el JBacah-Hozanek tenian, 
allende de la pronosticada mortandad, por ruyn, por que dezian les avian 
los muchos soles de matar los maizales, y comer las muchas hormigas lo que 
sembrassen y los paxaros, y porque esto no seria en todas partes avria en 
algunos comida, la qual avrian con gran trabajo. Haziales el demonio para 
remedio destas meserias hazer quatro demonios llaraados Chicchac-Chob, Ek- 
Balam-Chac, Achan-Uolcah, Ahbuluc-Balam, y ponerlos en el templo donde 
los suamavan con sus saumerios, y les ofrecian dos pellas de una leche o 
resina de un arbol que llaman kik, pxra quemar y ciertas iguanas y pan y 
una mitra y un manojo de flores; y una piedra preciosa de las suyas. Demas 
desto, para le celebracion desta fiesta, hazian en el patio una grande boveda 
de madera, y henchianla de lena por lo alto y por los lados, dexandole en ellos 
puertas para poder entrar y salir. Tomavan 8^)ues los mas hombres de 
hecho sendos manojos de unas varillas muy secas y largas atadas, y puesto 
en lo alto de la lena un cantor, cantava y hazia son con un atambor de los 
suyos, vailavan los de abaxo todos con mucho concierto y devocion, entrando 
y saliendo por las puertas de aquella boveda de madera, y assi vailavan 
hasta la tarde, que dexando alii cada uno su manojo, se ivan a sus casas a 
descansar y comer. 



<" 



216 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

En anocheoiendo volvian y con ellos mucha gente, porque enlre ellos 
esta cerimonia era muy estimada y tomando cada uno sii hacho lo encendian 
y con ellos cada uno por su parte pegavan f uego a la leiia la qual ardia niuclio 
y se quemava presto. Despues de hecho toda braza, la allanavan y tendian 
muy tendida y juntos los que avian bailado, avia algunos, que se ponian a 
passar descalqos y desnudos como ellos andavan por encima de aquella 
braza de una parte a otra y passavan algunos sin lesion, otros abra9ados, y 
otros medio quemados, y en esto creian estava el i-emedio de sus miserias 
y malos agueros, y pensavan era este su servicio muy agradable a sus dieses. 
Esto hecho se ivan a bever y hazerse cestos, ca assi lo pedia la costumbre 
de la fiesta, y el calor del fuego. 



APPENDIX KO. 2. 

[Quotation from au article by Seuor Melgar.] 

"In' the third volume and the first MSS. in this volimie, now in the 
Borgian Museum in the College of Propaganda at Eome, page 43, will 
clearly be seen the four stations of the year. On the right hand of upjoer 
side we see a genius or being, from whose mouth a flower proceeds, and 
joined to the left foot there is the sign of the Hare, whose appearance rep- 
resents the season of rutting, the above-said, being a genius, fecundates the 
frog — ^a symbol of the earth among the Toltecs and Aztecs. It is coiled up 
withm a serpent or dragon, undoubtedly Serapis, and from its rings come 
forth innumerable Phalli. From this proceeds the Cosmogonic idea of the 
union of Uranus and Gea, which is the Spring Equinox. Below this (in 
the MSS.) is another sketfeh representing the summer solstice. The painted 
figure is that of a negro, and the hare at its left foot has its mouth open, 
panting with the heat; behind it are fruits and flowei's, and also are seen 
the folds of the aforesaid serpent. The sketch which follows this one shows 
on the left the Autumnal Equinox. The figure is extended over a cross, the 
hare which comes forth from its ear is afflicted with pustules or pox. Under 
this figure is a skull likewise in the folds of the serpent before mentioned. 



iiioMAs.) FESTIVALS HELD IN THE DIFFERENT MONTHS. 217 

In the last picture, which is on the upper left hand, is the Winter Solstice. 
From the ear of the figure comes fortli a snake or the evil genius; from its 
mouth proceeds the sign for earthquake, likewise inclosed in the folds of a 
great serpent; and in all the pictures there is the eagle, the next constella- 
tion to Serpentarius." 



APPENDIX NO. 3. 

Translation of Landaus description of the festivals held in the different months 

of the year} 

Note. — The order of the translation is in accordance with the months 
of the Maya year, commencing with Pop instead of with the iGth day 
of Chen. The different months are here numbered by the letters of the 
alphabet. 

COMMENCEMENT OF THE MAYA YEAR FIRST DAY OF THE MONTH POP. 

A. — The first day of Fop commenced the first month of these Indians; 
it was the first day of their new year and of a very solemn feast with them; 
for it was general, all took part in it and all the people assembled to feast 
in honor of their gods. In order to celebrate it with greater ostentation, 
they renewed on this day the articles which they made use of, such as 
dishes, cups, pedestals, baskets, old cloths, and stuffs with which they cov- 
ered their idols. They swept their houses and threw all the dirt and old 
utensils into the highway without the place, and nobody, had they the 
greatest need of it, dared to touch it. In order to prepare themselves for 
this feast, the princes and priests, also the nobility, commenced to fast and 
previously to abstain from their wives; this included also those who wished 
to show their devotion, and they gave to it all the time they thought proper; 
there were some Avho fasted three months in advance, others two, and others, 
according to their fancy, as long as it pleased them, but never less than 
thirteen days. 

To these thirteen days of abstinence from their wives, they added that 

' Eclacioii, PI). 240-310. 



218 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 

of taking neither salt nor spice with their meat, which they regarded as a 
great privation. At this time they elected the officers (Chacs) who assisted 
the priests; he prepared for them a large quantity of little balls of incense 
on small boards, which the priests kept for this purpose in order that those 
who had fasted should burn them before their idols. Those who had once 
commenced this fast took great cai-e not to break it, believing that, if they 
did, some misfortune would fall on them or their houses on accomit of that 
violation. 

The first day of the new year having arrived, all the men assembled 
in the court of the temple, but men alone; for, on any occasion, if the 
feast or sacrifice was celebrated in the temple, the women were not allowed 
to assist in it, with the exception of the old women who came to dance; 
but at the other banquets, which were held in other places, the women were 
allowed to be present. On this occasion the men came ornamented and 
painted with their colors, after having washed from themselves the grease 
with which they were covered during their fast. All. being assembled with 
the offerings of meat and drinks which they had brought, also a great 
quantity of wine, newly fermented, the priest purified the temple and seated 
himself in the center of the court, clothed in pontifical garments and hav- 
ing beside him a brazier and the balls of incense. The Chacs took their 
places at the four corners, extending from one to the other a new cord, be- 
neath the center of which all those must enter who had fasted, in order to 
dispel the evil spirit spoken of in Chapter XCVI. 

The evil spirit once driven out, all devoted themselves to prayer while 
the chaces (sic) kindled the new fire; they burnt the incense before the 
idols, the priest commencing by casting his own ball into the brazier; the 
rest followed, each according to his rank, to receive the balls from the hand 
of the priest, who gave them with nuich gravity and devoutness, as if he 
was giving them valuable relics; then one after tlie other cast them slowly 
into the brazier, waiting until it was consumed. 

After this ceremony they feasted upon all the offerings and presents of 
food, drinking the wine after their custom, as usual, until they had con- 
sumed it all. This was their feast of the new year, and the solemnity with 
which they believed themselves to render it perfectly agreeable to their 



THOMAS.) FESTIVALS HELD IN THE DIFFERENT MONTHS. 219 

idols. During the month Pop, there were also some of the most devout 
men who continued to celebrate this feast with their friends, such as the 
nobles and priests, they being, before others, always the first in the rejoic- 
ings and festivities. 

B. — During the month Uo, the priests, the medicine-men, and the sor- 
cerers, which were all the same, commenced, by fasting and other acts of 
piety, to prepare for the celebration of another feast which the hunters and 
fishermen celebrated on the seventh day of the month Zip; each of them 
celebrated it on his own day on his part, the priests being the first. They 
gave to this feast the name of Pocani. Having assembled, covered with 
their ornaments, at the house of the chief, they first dispelled the evil spirits 
as before; they then uncovered their books and laid them open on a carpet 
of leaves which they had prepared for this purpose. They then invoked 
with great devotion a god called Cinchati-Yzamna, Avho had, they said, been 
the first priest; they offered him divers presents and burnt before him in 
the new fire some balls of incense. During this tinie others diluted in a 
vessel a little verdigris and pure water, which they said was brought from 
a wood in which no woman had ever penetrated ; they moistened with it 
the leaves of their books in order to cleanse them; this finished, the most 
learned of the priests opened a book in which he examined the omens of the 
year, which he announced to all those who were present. He then talked 
to them for a short time, advising them as to what they should do to pre- 
vent these evil things, and announced the same feast for the next year to 
the priest or noble who was to celebrate it; if he should die in the mean 
time, it devolved upon his son to celebrate it in his place. When this was 
concluded, all feasted together upon the food and offerings of drinks, drink- 
ing like wine-bibbers. Thus was completed the feast, during which they 
executed a dance called Okot-Uil. 

G. — The following day, the medicine-men and sorcerers assembled with 
their wives at the house of (me of their number. The ])riests expelled the 
evil spirit; after which they opened their medicine-bags, in wliich they 
kept a number of charms, and, each in particular, some little images of the 
goddess of medicine, which they called Ixchel, whence the name of llie fes- 



220 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TROANO. 

tival, Ilicil-Ixcliel ; also some little stones used in their sorceries, called am. 
Then they invoked in their prayers, with great devotion, the gods of medi- 
cine, Ysamna, Cit-Bolon-Tun, and Ahau-Chamahes, while the priests burned 
in their honor the incense which they cast into the brazier of the new fire, 
and which the CJiacs smeared with a blue color resembling the color of the 
books of the priests. This done, each one gathered up his valuables, and, 
loaded with their bundles, they executed a dance called Chan-tun-yah. The 
dance having terminated, the men seated themselves on one side and the 
women on the other; they then arranged the day for the feast of the next 
year, and all made the usual banquet on the offerings and drinks, intoxicating 
themselves, trying each to exceed the other. The priests alone, it is said, 
ashamed of joining with them on this occasion, put aside their share of the 
wine, in order to drink it at their ease and without any witnesses. 

The preceding day the hunters gathered together at one of their houses, 
where they brought their wives with them ; the priests came also, and after 
having driven away the evil spirit, as usual, they placed in the center of 
the house the preparatives necessary to the sacrifice of incense and the new 
fire, with the blue color. The hunters worshiped with devotion the gods 
of the chase, Acanum, Zu-hmj-Zij}, Tabai, and others, and distributed the 
incense, which they then threw into the brazier. While they were burning, 
each one took an arrow and a deer's head, which the CJiacs had painted 
blue; and thus adorned some danced, holding each other's hand, while 
others pierced their ears or tongue, passing through the holes which they 
made in them seven leaves of an herb called Ac. This completed, first the 
priests, and afterward the officers of the feast, presented the offerings, then 
they began to dance, drinking wine until they were intoxicated. 

The next day it was the fishermen's turn to celebrate the feast, which 
they did in the same manner as the others, except that in place of the deer 
heads, they painted their fishing implements; they did not pierce their ears, 
but cut around them, after which they performed a dance called Chohom. 
After this, they consecrated a large tree, which they left standing upright. 

When this feast was finished in the cities, it was the custom of the 
nobles to celebrate it with a large crowd at the sea-shorei^ where they held 
a great fishing expedition with rejoicings of every kind ; for they carried 



THOMAS] FESTIVALS HELD IN THE DIFFERENT MONTHS. 221 

with them a large quantity of lines and fish-hooks with othei- implements 
for fishing. The gods wliom they then invoked as their patrons were 
Ahhak-Nexoi, AJqnia, Alicitz, and Amalcum. 

D. — During the month of Tzo2 the apiarists prepared for the celebra- 
tion of their feast of Tzec; but although the principal preparation was fast- 
ing, only the priests and the officers who were to assist him were compelled 
to fast, all the rest being voluntary. 

E. — The month Tzec. The day of the feast having arrived, they 
congregated at the house of him who celebrated it, and performed all 
that they usually did at the other feasts, except that they shed no blood. 
Their patrons were the Bacahs, and especially Hohnil. They tlien made 
great offerings, particularly to the four Chacs, to whom they presented four 
plates covered with figures of honey, in order to obtain it in abundance by 
means of this feast. They finished, as usual, with a perfect orgy, the 
apiarists being by no means sparing of their honey on this occasion. 

F. — The month Xul. It has been seen in the tenth chapter how, after 
the departure of Kukulcan from Yucatan, there were some Indians who, 
believing that he was carried to heaven with the gods, regarded him as a 
god and built temples in his honor and celebrated feasts, which they con- 
tinued throughout the country nntil tlie destruction of Mayapan. After 
this event, they celebrated them no longer except in the province of Mani ; 
but the other provinces, in recognition of what they owed to Kukulcan, 
presented to Mani by turns each year, sometimes four and at other times 
five magnificent banners of feathers, with which they solemnized the feasts, 
not like the others, but in the following manner : 

On the sixteenth day of the month of Xul all the lords and priests 
of Mani assembled, and with them a large crowd, who joined with them, 
after having prepared for it by fast and penances. On the evening of this 
day they departed in procession, with a large number of performers, from 
the house of the prince and advanced slowly towards the temple of Kukul- 
can, which they had previously ornamented. Having arrived, they repeated 
their prayers and placed the banners high in the temple; they exposed their 
idols on a carpet of leaves. Having then built the new fire, they burnt 



222 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 

incense in ujany places, making oiferings of meat, cooked without pepper 
or salt, and drinks made from beans and kernels of calabashes. The lords, 
and also those who had observed the fast, passed five days and five nights 
there without returning home — praying, burning copal, and executing sacred 
dances. Darin©' this time the actors went to the houses of the nobles and 
others, exhibiting their performances and receiving the gifts which were 
offered to them. At the end of the five days they carried them all to the 
temple, where the}'' divided them among the priests and the dancers. After 
this they resumed the banners and idols, which they carried back to the 
mansion of the prince, from which place each one I'eturned home with 
whatever he recovered. They said, and devoutly believed, that Kukulcan 
descended from heaven in person on the last day of the feast and received 
the sacrifice, the presents, and offerings which they made to him. They 
called this feast Chic-Kaban. 

G. — The month Yaxkin. During this month they commenced to pre- 
pare, as was their custom, for a general feast, which was celebrated in Mol, 
on a day designated by the priest in honor of all the gods; they called it 
Oloh-Zab-Kam Tax. After the usual ceremonies and incensing which they 
desired to do, they smeai-ed with their blue paint all the instruments of 
every profession, from those used by the priests even to the spindles of the 
women and the doors of their houses. On this occasion they painted the 
children of both sexes with the same color; but, instead of smearing their 
hands, they gave them each nine gentle raps on their knuckles, that they 
might be skillful in the professions of their fathers and mothers. As for the 
little girls, an old woman brought them there, and for this reason they 
called her Ixmol, that is to say, conductress. The conclusion of this cere- 
mony was a grand orgy and banquet with the offerings which they had 
presented, although it was understood that the devoted old woman was not 
permitted to become intoxicated, lest she should lose on the road the plume 
of her office. 

H. — The month Mol. During this month the apiarists repeated the 
feast which they had celebrated in the month Tzec, in order that the gods 
might cause the flowers to grow for the bees. 



THOMAS.) FESTIVALS HELD IN THE DIFFERENT MONTHS. 223 

One of the things that these wretched people regarded as the most 
difficult and arduous was the fabrication of their idols of wood, which they 
called making the gods. They had for this a particular time, which was this 
month of il/o^, or any other if the priest judged it proper to change it. 

Those who wished to have it done consulted first the priest, and after 
his advice went to seek the artists who occupied themselves with this pro- 
fession; but, to whatever they said, these artists always excused themselves, 
because they were persuaded that one or another of their house might die, 
or that it would suddenly bring upon them some disease of the heart. When 
they had accepted, the Chacs whom they chose for this purpose, also the 
priest and the artist, commenced to fast. In the mean time those who had 
ordered the idols went in person or sent a trusty person into the wood to 
cut down the tree of which they must be sculptured, and which was always 
cedar. When the wood was obtained they built a cabin of stubble well 
closed, where they put the wood, with a large urn for inclosing the idols 
during the time that they worked on them. They offered incense to four 
gods, called Acantun, the images of which they placed at the four cardinal 
points; they took also that which they used for scarifying their ears and 
drawing blood from them, and also the instruments which they needed for 
sculpturing their black divinities. Prepared in this manner, the priest, the 
Chacs, and the artist shut themselves iip in the hut and commenced the 
sacred work, frequently cutting themselves, and smearing the idols with 
their blood, and burning incense before them. They continued thus until 
the work was finished, the members of their families carrying food to them 
with whetever was necessary to them; but they could not during this time 
approach their wives, and no one was admitted into the place where they 
were incarcerated. 

I. — Month Chen. According to what they said, they worked in great 
fear while sculpturing the gods. As soon as the idols were completed and 
perfected, those who owned them gave to those who had made them the 
most valuable presents possible, of birds, of venison, and of money, in order 
to pay them for their work. They took the idols from the cabin where they 
had been made and carried them into another cabin made of leaves, erected 



224 A STUDY OF THE MANUSGKIPT TEOANO. 

for this purpose in the court, where the priest consecrated them with much 
solemnity and fervent prayers, the artists having previously washed them- 
selves from the soot with which they were covered as a sign of fasting, they 
said, for all the time that they were at work. Having accordingly driven 
away the evil spirit and burnt the consecrated incense, they placed the new 
images in a flat basket, wra^Dped in linen, and carried them back to their 
owner, who received them with much devotion. 

The priest then addressed the artists for some time on the excellence of 
their profession, that of making the new gods, and on the danger they in- 
curred by working without regarding the rules of abstinence and fasting. 
After this, they partook together of an abundant repast and drank more 
freely than usual. 

K. — The month Yax. In one of the two months Chen and Tax, which- 
ever was selected by the priest, they celebrated a feast called Ocna, which 
means the renovation of the temple in honor of the Chacs, whom they 
regarded as the gods of the fields. In this feast they consulted the prog- 
nostics of the Bacabs, which is spoken of more at length in chapters CXIII, 
CXIV, CXV, and CXVI, and after the manner already mentioned. This 
feast was celebrated every year. Besides, they renovated the idols of baked 
earth and their braziers; for it was the custom that each idol should have its 
little brazier, in which was burned their incense, and, if it was found neces- 
sary, they built a new house or repaired the old one, taking care to place on 
the wall an inscription commemorating these things, written in their char- 
acters. 

L. — The month Zac. On one of the days of the month Zac, designated 
by the priest, the hunters celebrated another feast similar to that which they 
had celebrated in the month Zip. This took place at this time for the pur- 
pose of appeasing the anger of the gods against themselves and their de- 
scendants, on account of the blood they had shed during the chase; for 
they regarded as abominable all shedding of blood except in their sacri- 
fices; also they never went to hunt without first invoking their idols and 
burning incense before them; and if they afterwards succeeded, they 
smeared their faces with the blood of their game. 



THOMAs.i TESTIVALS HELD IN THE DIFFERENT MONTHS. 225 

On another day, which came on the seventh Ahau, they celebrated a 
very grand festival, which continued for three days, with incense-burning, 
offerings, and a very respectable orgy; but as it was a movable feast the 
priest took care to publish it in advance, in order that each one might keep 
a fast according to liis duty. 

M. — The month 3Iac. On another day in the month of Mac, the old 
people, and especially the old men, celebrated a feast in honor of the Chacs, 
the gods of abundance, and also to Ysamna. Some days before, they per- 
formed the following ceremony, called in their language Tupphah. Plaving 
gathered together all the animals, such as reptiles and beasts of the fields 
which they could find in the country, they assembled in the court of the tem- 
ple, the Chacs, and the priests placing themselves in the corners in order to 
expel the evil spirit, according to the custom, each of them having beside him 
a pitcher filled with water, which was brought to him. Standing upright, in 
the center, was an enormous bundle of small dry wood, with which they 
kindled a fire after having thrown the incense into the brazier; while the 
wood was burning, they tore out, with emulation, the hearts of the animals 
and birds and cast them into the fire. If it had been impossible to obtain 
large animals, such as tigers, lions, and alligators, they represented the 
hearts of these by incense; but if they had them, they tore out their hearts 
also and put them in the fire. As soon as all the hearts were consumed, 
the Gliacs extinguished the fire with the water in the pitcher. 

The object of this sacrifice and of the feast following was, also, to 
obtain an abundance of water for their crops dui-ing the year. They cele- 
brated this feast, however, in a different manner from the others; for in 
this they did not fast, with the exception of the beadle of the confraternity, 
who performed penance. On the day fixed upon for the celebration, all 
the people assembled with the priest and the officers in the court of the 
temple, where they had erected a stone platform, with steps for mounting, 
suitably ornamented with leaves. The priest gave the incense, previously 
prepared, to the beadle who burned in the brazier enough of it to dispel 
the evil spii-it. This done, with the accustomed devotion, they smeared the 
first step of the platform with mire from a well or cistern, and the others 

15 M T 



226 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCEIPT TEOANO. 

with the blue color; they incensed it several times and invoked the Cliacs 
with prayers and ceremonies, offering them many gifts. At the close, they 
rejoiced, eating and di-inking the oblations, full of confidence in the result 
of their invocations for this year. 

N. — The month Iltian. During the month Mimn the proprietors of the 
cacao plantations celebrated a feast in honor of the gods Ekclmah, Chac, and 
Eobnil, who were their patrons. In order to solenmize it, they went to the 
farm of one of their number, where they sacrificed a dog, bearing a spot of 
the color of cacao. They burnt incense before their idols, offering them 
iguanas — those which were of a blue color; feathers of a particular bird; 
also different kinds of game. They gave to each one of the officers a branch 
with the fruit of the cacao. The sacrifice completed, they set themselves 
to eating and drinking the offerings ; but it is said that they pei'mitted each 
one to drink only three cups of their wine, and they could bring only the 
necessary quantity. They then returned to the house of the one who bore 
the expenses of the feast, where they entertained themselves together. 

0. — The month Pax. In the month Pax they celebrated a feast called 
Pacum-Chac, on which occasion the nobles and priests of the inferior bor- 
oughs assembled with those from the more important villages. Thus united 
they passed five nights in prayer in the temple of Cit-Chac-Coh, presenting 
their sacrifices with incense, as has been seen at the feast of Kuhulcan in the 
month of Xul, in November. In commencing these five days, they returned 
together to the house of the general of their armies, whose title was Nacon, 
of which I have spoken in Chapter CI. They bore him in great pomp to the 
temple, burning incense before him like an idol, where they seated him. 
Thus they passed the five days, eating and drinking the offerings which they 
had presented in the temple, and execflting a dance similar to a war dance, 
to which they gave, in their language, the name of HoUcan-OJcot, which 
means the dance of the warriors When the five days were passed every- 
body came to the feast, which, as it concerned the affairs of war and hope 
of obtaining the victory, was very solemn. 

It was commenced with the ceremonies and sacrifices of fire, of which 
I have spoken in the festival in the month of Mac. Then they expel the 
evil spirit, as usual, which is done with much solemnity. This finished, 



THOMAs.j MODE OF BUILDING HOUSES IN YUCATAN. 227 

they recommenced their prayers, saci-ifices, and incensing. While all these 
things were going on the nobles and those who had accompanied them 
replaced the Nacon on their shoulders and carried him in procession around 
the temple. On their return the Cliacs sacrificed a dog, tearing out its 
heart, which they presented to the idol, between two plates; each one 
present then broke in pieces a large vessel filled with a drink, with which 
the feast was completed. All then ate and drank the offerings winch they 
had brought, and, with much solemnity, but without the usual incense, car- 
ried the Nacon back to his home. 

There a grand banquet took place, at which the lords, nobles, and 
priests became intoxicated in the effort to excel each other in drinking, with 
the exception of the Nacon, who remained sober, the crowd in the mean 
time returning to their homes. The next day, after they had slept them- 
selves sober, the nobles and priests, who had remained at the mansion of 
the general after the orgy, received from liis hand large presents of incense 
which he had prepared for this purpose and caused to be consecrated by the 
holy priests. 

At this reunion he addressed them in a long discourse, and earnestly 
recommended to them the feasts which they should celebrate in honor of the 
gods, in their towns, in order to obtain a prosperous and abundant year. 
When the lecture was finished all took leave of each other with much affec- 
tion and noise, and each one took the road for his village and home. 

There they occupied themselves with the celebration of their feasts, 
which sometimes lasted, according to circumstances, until the month oi Pop. 
They gave to these feasts the name of Zabacil-Than, and they were cele- 
brated in the following manner: They sought in the commune those who, 
being the richest, were the most able to bear the expense of the feast, and 

requested them to fix upon a day, because they had more of 

during these three months which remained until the natural year. What 
they then did was to assemble at the mansion of the one who celebrated 
the feast, after having performed the ceremony of dispelling the evil spirit. 
They burnt copal and presented offerings with rejoicings and dances, after 
which they drank some wine, which last was always the main point of the 
feast. Such were the excesses in which they indulged themselves during 



228 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 

these three months, which it was painful to see; some departing covered 
with wounds or bruises, others with their eyes inflamed with the quantity 
of liquor which they had imbibed, and with this passion for drink they 
ruined themselves entirely. 

P. — It has been said, in the preceding chapters, that the Indians com- 
menced their years with days without names, preparing in the villages for 
the celebration of the feast of the new year. Besides the feast which they 
made to the god U-uayeyah, by right of which alone they went out from 
home, they solemnized especially these five days, seldom quitting their 
houses, except to present, besides the ofi'erings made in public, different 
trifles to their gods in the other temples. They never afterwards employed, 
for their particular use, the bagatelles which they offered to the idols, but 
they bought the incense which they burned with it. They neither combed 
nor washed themselves during these days; neither men nor women cleansed 
themselves. They did not do any servile or fatiguing work, for fear that 
some misfortune might befall them. 



APPENDIX NO. 4. 

Manera de las casas en Yucatan} 

Que la manera de hazer las casas era cubrirlas de paja que tienen muy 
buena y mucha, o con hojas de palma que es propia para esto y que tenian 
muy grandes corrientes para que no se llnevan, y que despues echan una 
pared por medio al largo que divide toda la casa, y que en esta pared desan 
algunas puertas para la mitad que llaman las espaldas de la casa, dondf* 
tienen sus camas, y que la otra mitad blanquean de muy gentil encalado, y 
que los senores las tienen pintadas de muchas galanterias y que esta mitad 
es el recebimiento y aposento de los guespedes, y que esta pie^a no tiene 
puerta, sino toda abierta conforme al largo de la casa, y baxa mucho la 
con-iente delantera por temor de los soles y aguas, y dizen que tambien para 
ensenorearse de los enemigos de la parta de dentro en tiempo de necessitad. 
Y que el pueblo menudo hazia a su costa las casas de los senores, y que con 

'Mode of building houses among the Yucatecs, Landa, sec. xx, p. 110. 



t:iomas.| mode of baptism in YUCATAN. 229 

no tener mas puertas, teniaii por grave delicto de hazer mal a casas agenas. 
Tenian una portezilla atras para el servicio necessario y que tienen unas 
camas de varillas, y en cima una sevilla donde duermen, cubiertas de sus 
mantas de algodon: en verano duermen comunmente en los encalados con 
una de aquellas serillas, especialmente los hombres Allende de la casa hazian 
todo el pueblo a los senores sus sementeras, y se las beneficiavan y cogian 
en cantidad que le bastava a el y a su casa, y quando avia ca^as o pescas, o 
era tiempo de traer sal siempre davan parte al senor, por que estas cosas siem- 
pre las hazian de comunidad. 



APPENDIX NO. 5. 

Modo de bautismo en Yucatan} 

Tenian pues esta costumbre para venir a hazer los baptismos, que 
criavan las indias los nifios hasta edad de tres afios, y a los varoncillos 
Lisavanles siempre poner pegada a la cabe^a en los cabellos de la coronilla 
una contezuela blanca, y a las muchachas traian cenidas por las senes muy 
abaxo con un cordel delgado y en el una conchuela asida que les venia a 
dar encima de la parte honesto y destas dos cosas era entre ellos peccado y 
cosa muy fea quitarla.de las mochachas antes del baptismo, el qual les davan 
siempre desde edad de tres auos hasta doze y nunca se casavan antes del 
baptismo. 

Quando alguno avia que quisiesse baptizar su hijo, iva al sacerdote y 
davale parte de su intento, el qual publicava por el pueblo el baptismo, y el 
dia en que lo hazia, el qual ellos miravan siempre no fuesse aciago. 

Esto hecho el que hazia la fiesta que era el que movia la platica, olegia 
un principal del pueblo a su gusto para que le ayudasse a su negocio y las 
cosas del. Despues tenian de costumbre elegir a otros quatro hombres 
ancianos y honrados que ayudessen al sacerdote el dia de la fiesta a las ceri- 
monias, y estos elegian juntamente a su gusto con el sacerdote. Y en estas 
elecciones entendian siempre los padres de todos los ninos que avia que bap- 

'Mannerof baptism iu Yucatan. — Lauda, § xxvi, p. 144. Origiu.tl. 



230 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

tizar, ca de todos era tambien la fiesta y llamavanlos a estos que escogian 
chaces. Tres dias antes de la fiesta ayunavan los padres de los mocliachos 
y los officiales, abstiniendose de las mugeres. 

El dia juntavanse todos en casa del que hazia la fiesta y llevavan los 
ninos todos que avian de baptizar, a los quales ponian en el patio o placa 
de la casa, que limpio y sembrado de hojas frescas le tenian por orden en 
rengla los varones por si y las ninas por si, ponian les como padrinos una 
muger anciana a las ninas, y a los ninos un hombre que los tuviessen a 
cargo. 

Esto hecho tratava el sacerdote de la purificacion de la posada, hecban- 
do al demonio della. Para echarlo ponian quatro vanquillos en las quatro 
esquinas del patio en los quales se sentavan los quatro chaces con un cordel 
largo asido de uno a otro, de manera q^ue quedavan los ninos acorralados en 
medio .a dentro del cordel, despues pasando sobre el cordel avian de entrar 
todos los ])adres de los ninos que avian ayunado dentro del circuito. Des- 
pues o antes ponian en medio otro vanquillo donde el sacerdote se sentava 
con un brasero, y un poco de maiz molido y de su encienso. Alii venian 
los ninos y ninas'' por orden y echavales el sacerdote un poco de maiz molido 
y del encienso en la mano, y ellos en el brasero; y ansi hazian todos, y estos 
saumerios acabados, tomavan el brasero en que los hazian, y el cordel con 
que los chaces los tenian cercados y echavan en un vaso un poco de vino y 
da van lo todo a un indio que lo llevasse fa era del. pueblo, avisandole no 
beviesse ni mirass atras a la buelta y con esto dezian quedava el demonio 
echado. 

El qual assi ido verrian el patio y limpiavanlo de las hojas del arbol 
que tenia que se dize cihom y echavan otras de otro que llaman copo, j 
ponian unas seras en tanto que el sacerdote se vestia. Vestido salia con un 
jaco de pluma Colorado y labrado de otras plumas de colores, y que le 
cuelgan de los extremes otras plumas largas y una como coroza en la cabe9a 
de las mesmas plumas, y debaxo del jaco muchos listones de algodon hasta 
el suelo como colas, y con un isopo en la mano de un palo corto muy labra- 
do, y por barbas o pelos del isopo ciertas colas de unas culebras que son 
como caxcaveles, y con no mas ni menos gravedad que ternia un papa para 
coronar un emperador, que cosa ei-a notable la serenidad que les causavan 



TuojfAsi MODE OF BAPTISM IN YUCATAN. 231 

los aparejos. Los chaces ivan luego a los niiios j ponian a todos sendos 
panos blancos en las cabe(jas que sus madres para aquello traian. Pregiin- 
tavana los queeran grandecillos si avian Jiecho algun peccado y tocaniiento 
feo, y si lo avian hecho confessavanlo, y separavanlos de los otros. 

Esto heclio mandava el sacerdote callar y sentar la gente, y comen(jav*a 
el a bendezir con muchas oraciones a los mochachos, y a santiguarlos con 
sii isopo, y con mueha serenidad. Acabada su bendicion se sentava y se 
levantava el principal que avian los padres de los mochachos elegido para 
esta fiesta, y con un guesso que el sacerdote le dava iva a los mochachos y 
amagava a cada uno por si nueve vezes con el guesso en que la frente; 
despues mojavale en un vaso de una agua llevava en la mano, y untavales 
la frente, y las faciones del rostro y entre los dedos de los piez y los de las 
manos a todos sin hablar palabra. Esta agua hazian de ciertas flores y 
de cacao mojado y desleido con agua virgen que ellos dezian traida de 
los concavos de los arboles o de los montes. 

Acabada esta unctura se levantava el sacerdote y les quitava los panos 
blancos de la cabeQa y otros que tenian colgados a las espaldas en que cada 
uno traia atadas unas pocas de plumas de un paxaro muy hermoso y alguhos 
cacaos, lo qual todo recogia uno de los chaces, y luego el sacerdote les cor- 
tava a los niiios con una navaja de piedra la cuenta que avian traido pegada 
en la cabe^a; tras esto ivan los demas ayudantes del sacerdote con un 
manojo de flores y un huma^o que los indios usan chupar; y amagavan con 
cada uno dellos nueve vezes a cada mochacho, y despues davanle a olerlas 
flores y a chupar el huma^o. Despues recogian los presents que las madres 
traian y davan dellos a cada mochacho un poco para comer alii, ca de comida 
eran los presentes, y tomavan un buen vaso de vino y presto en medio 
ofrecianlo a los dioses y con devotas plegarias les rogavan recibiessen aquel 
don pequeilo de aquellos mochachos, y llamando otro oficial que les ayudava 
que llamavan Caijom davanse lo que lo beviesse, lo qual hazia sin descanrar 
que diz que era peccado. 

[Trauslatiou. J 

Manner of baptism in Yucatan} 

This is the custom which they had for preparing them for baptism : 
The women were directed to raise the children to the age of three years. 



Sec. XXVI, page WS. 



232 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

putting on the head of the little boys something white, fastened among the 
loc^is at the back part of the head; as to the little girls, they wore hanging 
down from the girdle a very slender cord, to which a small shell was 
attached, which happened to be found placed exactly above the sexual 
parts. It was regarded as a great fault and a very wrong action to remove 
these things from the little girls before their baptism, which was always 
administered between three and twelve years, and they were never married 
before. When any one desired to have his child baptized, he went to the 
priest and communicated his intention to him ; the priest published the bap- 
tism throughout the community, taking care always that the ceremony 
should not fall on an unlucky day. This done, he who had made the propo- 
sition, and who consequently took charge of the feast, chose at his fancy 
one of the chief men of the place, in order to aid him in all that had refer- 
ence to it. After that it was the custom to choose still four others from 
among the oldest and most honorable, who assisted the pi-iest in his duties 
on the day of the feast. This choice was always made with the consent of 
the priest himself The fathers of all the infants to be baptized had an 
equal part in this election, for the feast was a resort for all. To those who 
had _ been chosen to accompany the priest they gave the title of Chac. 
During the three days preceding the ceremony the fathers of the children, 
as well as these oflScers, abstained from intercourse with their wdves. 

On the day designated all assembled at the house of him avIio gave the 
feast, bringing with them the children to be baptized. They ranged them 
in the court or a place in the house, which had been swept and ornamented 
with leaves; the boys placed themselves on one side, under the charge of a 
man who filled the office of godfather in regard to them; and on the other 
side the girls, to whom they appointed a matron to take care of them. When 
this Avas completed the priest busied himself with purifying the house, dis- 
pelling the evil spirit from the place. For this purpose they placed a small 
bench at the four corners of the court; the four Chacs seated themselves, 
stretching a cord from one to the other in such a manner that the cliildren 
remained in some sort confined in the center, after which the fathers all 
together, who had observed the fast until this time, passed the coi'd to enter 
into the inclosure. In the center there was another bench, where the priest 
was seated, having beside a brazier with bruised maize and incense. 



TH0MA6.) MODE OF BAPTISM IN YUCATAN. 233 

The little boys and girls approached in order, and the priest placed in 
their hands some maize and incense, which they threw one by one into the 
brazier. This finished and the incensing being terminated, they raised the 
brazier and the cord with which the Chacs had formed the inclosure. They 
poured a little wine into a vase or vessel, which they gave, with these things, 
to a man to carry out of the village, and charged him especially not to 
drink the wine and not to look behind him on his return In this manner 
the evil spirit was said to be dispelled. 

The yard was then swept and decorated with leaves which were found 
there, and were the leaves of a tree called cihom; they substituted them with 
others of a tree called copo, and stretched some mats, during which time 
the priest changed his clotlies. He appeared soon after, clothed in a tunic 
of red feathers, worked with other feathers of different colors, and from 
which hung other feathers still finer; also, underneath, a large quantity of 
ribbons of cotton, which hung down to the ground. On his head he wore 
a kind of miter, embroidered with plumage in the same manner, and in his 
hand a small holy-water sprinkler of wood, carved skillfully, of which the 
filaments were of the tails of serpents, similar to serpents with rattles. He 
came out thus, having neither more nor less gravity than a pope would have 
in crowning am emperor; and it is a remarkable thing to see the serenity 
which all this apparel gave him. 

The Chacs immediately advanced towards the children and placed 
white linen cloths, which their mothers had brought for this purpose, on 
their heads. They then asked the oldest if they had committed no wrong or 
immodest action; and if they had they confessed and were sejoarated from the 
rest. This done, the priest commanded all to seat themselves and be silent; 
he then began to bless the children with certain prayers and to consecrate 
them with the holy water, with much dignity. The benediction finished, he 
sat down. The one chosen by the fathers of the infants to aid especially 
in this ceremony, then rose, and, armed with a bone, which the priest gave 
him, he went to each child and passed it in front of him nine times; he then 
dipped it in a vessel of water which he carried in his hand and anointed them 
on the forehead and face, also the interstices of the fingers and toes, without 
saying a single word. This water was composed of certain flowers and 



234 A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TEOANO. 

cacao soaked and diluted in the pure water which they said sprang from 
cavities in the woods or mountains. 

After this anointing the priest rose; he took from their heads the white 
cloths which had been placed on them, also others which they had on their 
shoulders, where each one wore some feathers of a very beautiful bird and 
some grains of cacao. One of the Chacs collected these things, after which 
the priest cut off from the heads of the little boys that which they wore 
fastened on them with a stone knife. Behind the priest walked his other 
assistant, a bouquet of flowers in his hand, with a pipe with perfume, which 
the Indians were accustomed to smoke; they made nine passes with it 
before each child and then gave them one by one the flowers to smell and 
the pipe to smoke. They then collected the presents which the mothers had 
brought, and gave a little food to the children, the same amount to each 
infant, for these presents consisted of eatables. They took one large bowl 
filled with wine and hastily offered it to the gods, conjuring them with 
words of devotion to accept of this feeble homage on the part of the chil- 
dren; then calling another officer, whose title was Cai/om, they gave him 
the vessel, which he must empty at a draught; for him to stop to take 
breath would have been wrong. 



INDEX. 



Page. 
AguUar, Don Pedro Sanchez de, on Maya m&nuscript. xxi 

Ahau or Katun 5,M 

the number of years in an 28-32 

Aliau-Katim or grand cycle 5 

the first year of an ,.. 32 

Ahaues, location of the, in grand cycle 26-28 

Abbuluc balam (Maya deity) 66, 94 

Ahcan Uolcab (Maya deity) 66,04 

Abkul-Chel, propbccy of - xxix 

Ajpula, date of death of 13,32,49,50,51 

Allen, Harrison, on Lauda's alphabet sxxv 

Armadillo 97 

symbol 15, 145 

Bacab-Canzicnal (deity) 63 

HobnU (deity) .,. 61 

zac-ciui (deity) 64 

Bancroft, omission by, in translation 55 

Baptism, mode of, oiiginal from Landa 228-23 L 

translation 231-233 

Bird-cage 134 

Bissextile years in the Maya system iv 

Black numerals, use of the 21,24 

indicate the month 23 

Bollocrt, William, efforts at translating xsxiv 

Bulon-zacab (Maya deity) 60,69 

Brasaeur de Bourbourg, in reference to the length of 

the Ahau 193 

efforts at translating the 

manuscript Troano xxxiv 

Bread symbol 80,81,156 

Briuton, D. G xvii 

Cidcndar Maya 5 

condensed (Table V). 11 

for one year (Tabic II) 8 

wheel, figure of the 127 

Cardinal points assigned the years 41 

Dominical days assigned to 68 

Maya words for the 74 

symbols of the 70,74,144 

Cauac year, sacrifices at the commencement of the. . 65 

Chac 77,87,101,104 

Chacan-cantun or Chac Acantun (deity) 62,63 

Chac-ii-Uayeyab (Maya deity) 62,61,82 

Chalchibuillicue (Mexican goddess) 102 

Characters of tuo manuscript compared with Landa's . 2 

Charency, Ilyacinthe de, efforts at translating xxxiv 

Chen, festivals in the month 223 

Chi.apan (or Tzcndal) and Soconuscan calendar 193 

Chicchac-cbob (deity) 60, 04, 101 

Chichen-Itza 194,197 

Chilan Balam, prophecy of 195 

Cigar 135 

Cimi, unusual character of 16 

Clavirgero, concerning bees ' 115 



Page. 

Codex Cortesianns 20 

Dresden xxs, xsxvi, 25, 41, 42, 67, 68, 71, 78, 85, 89 

Peresianus xxxii, 20 

Troano xxxii 

Tro xxxii 

Cogulludo, Diaz Lopez, on Maya characters xxiii 

concerning date of destruction of Mayapan 48 
in reference to cardinal points assigned 

the years 69 

Colebil-xbolon-chac (goddess of the apiarists) 117 

Conclasions 51 

Cross 117 

Cycle 5,10,32,35 

Dance on high stilts 79 

Dates, discussion of, with special reference to those 

of the Perez manuscript 187-197 

method of giving .. 13 

Day characters 3,5 

Days, method of numbering the 3-7 

Diaz, Bernal, in reference to implements of warfare. . 127 

Dog images used in dances .- 79 

Dresden Codex xxx, xxxvi, 25, 41, 42, 67, 68, 71, 78, 85, 89 

reference to four plates ©f the 56 

Ek-balam-chac (deity) C6,94 

Ekel Acantun (deity) 66 

Eku-Dayeyab (deity) 65,81,82 

Etel-ceh, ancient name of Yucatan 96 

Fan or bat 134 

Festivals at the commencement of the year Cauao-. 65, 214 

Ix 63,212 

Kan ... 50,209 

Mulnc . 62, 211 
of the different months, translated from 

Landa, Appendix No. 3 216-227 

In the month Chen 223 

Mac 224 

Mol 222 

Muan 225 

Pax 225 

Pop 210 

Tzec 220 

Tzoz 220 

tro 218 

Xul 220 

Tax 223 

Yaxkin 221 

Zac 224 

Zip 219 

of the supplementary days .. 41,59,67,208-215,227 

Figures and characters, explanation of 59 

suggestions as to tho meaning of certain 93 

Foot-prints 125 

Forsterman, Dr., on the Dresden Cordex xxxvi 

God of death 77 

235 



236 



INDEX. 



Grand cjc.lo or Aliau-Kattm 2S-32 

Grand cycles compared with years of the Christian 

cr;i - 19:i, 1R6 

Graphic system, the xviii 

llerrcra in refercuco to Chichca-Ttza 194 

Mayapan 192 

Tucatec iraplemcn" s of war- 
tare ] 2G 

Holden. Edward S., on Central- Ameiican picturc- 

writinjj sxxti 

the Loyden stono 104 

Honey symbol 117, 11!7 

JIouso symbols or figures 128, 131 

Houses, method of building, from Landa, original . .. 227 

translation. 129 

Huitzilopoctli (Mexican god) . 101-lOG 

Imix or Ymix, proba ]y a symbol of maizo 80 

Implement (use unlinown) , I'ui 

Inilieation, or week of years 9 

Interpretation of characters 14G, 161 

Intervals between days in day colun.us ...~. 15, 24 

Introduction xvii-xxxvii 

Itzamna (Zamna) 81-82 

Itzen-caan (a name of Znnina) 81 

Ix year, festivals at the commcnccraent of tho 63 

Ix lean Loox (female divinity) 81 

Ix mol (decs) ]06 

Kan chniacter a symbol of mnizc .- ]57 

Kan symbol as used in Tlatcs XS-SXIII 88 

Kan year, festivals at tho commencement of tho. 59 

Kanal Acantum (Maya deity) 60 

Knn- u-Uayeyab (Maya deity) 61, 69, 72, 81 , 82 

Katun 14, 52 

Perez's explanation of the term 90 

Katiines, method of numbering the 14 

Kik, ayrabcl for 92 

Kinch-Ahau (Maya deity) 62,84 

Itzamna or Yzamna. (Maya deity) 65, 84 

Kuculcan 81, 82 

Landa, concerning the festivals of the bee-kerpers .. 116 

Diego de, on Maya writing xxiv 

in reference to cardinal points 69 

to Tucatec implcmonls of war- 
faro 127 

Landa's characters compared with those of the 

manuscript 2 

' ' lielacion do Cosas, " quoted 47, 52 

Leg of venison, character for a 76 

List of days for one month, Table I 8 

of illustrations xiii 

Lizana, Beinardo de, on Maya characters xxi 

Lustro 4 56 

Mac, festivals of the month 2-4 

Machete or hatchet 125 

Manufacture of idols 119,120, 132 

Manuscript Troano and its character 1 

found by BrasseurdeBourbourg. 1 
named for Don Juan de Tro y Or- 

tolano 1 

fac simile edition 1 

paging of the 2 

Martyr, Peter, description of Maya manuaciipls six 

Matting 134 

Maya alphabet, Landa's ]41 

books xxviii 

calendar 5 



Page. 
M'lya datescompnredwithtlioae of the Christian era. 47 

days -. f^ 

mouths 

Mayapan 191,193,197 

4S, 51 

215 

97 

72 

134 

6 
17 
225 
211 



date of destruction of 

Melgar, Senor, quotation from 

Method of snaring game 

Mexican symbid for day and year 

Mimosa leaf .. , 

Mol, festival of tho month 

Month characters 

M ortars, figures of 

Muan, f-.stival of tbo month 

Muluo year, fesliv^als at the conimencomentof the. 

Kalian Pccb, piopliecy of 194, 105 

Numer.:l chafactois 



3,17 

Numerals, black , 21, 24 

red 19,26 

Paint-pots - \il 

Palcnque tablet - , 108, 2U8 

oxpl.mation of certain characters 

on tho 204, 'J07 

four characters by tho cross L03 

order in which the inscription is +o 

bo road 200, 20 i 

significatiiiD of lines and dots on the £02 

Pax, festival of the month 225 

Poresiaiius, Codex xxxii, 20 

Perez, St nor, quoted 48, 55 

Cronologia antigua 34 

in reference to cardinal points 68 

manuscript 13, 30, J_', 43 

discussed with reference to 

dates 187, J 07 

original Maya of tho 188 

" translal ion of i ho ISO 

Dr. Valcnlini on the 30 

Phonetic? are Iheso characters 140,148 



Plate III, explanation of figures on 

VI, explanation of tiguri's on . 

VII, explanation of fi.iures on 

XIII, explanation of figures on 

Vni-XIX, explanation of figures on ... . 

XX-XXriT, numbers on 

XXIV-XXVIII, explanation of figures on , 
XXIX-XXSin, explanation of figures on 



04 

05 

06 

31 

07-101 

18-10 

J 01-107 

lUS-lll 



I'^-IX*, explanation of figures on 114-118 

XIl^-XVII^ espliinrLtinn of figures on li9-]-:0 

XVIII -XXI. expl:(nat:(;n of figures on 121* 

XXI1*-XXV ■', c; plana t ion of figures en 122 

Pop, festival of the month LI 6 

Quetzalcoatl 8"- 

Quicho and Cakchiquel calendar 108 

Rains anil storms, reprosentalion of 101, 107 

Kau, Charles, on Palcnque tablet xxxv 

index diagram to the Palcnque tablet. 100 

Eed numerals, explanation of 10- 2G 

Besulls of my investigations v 

Kope-makiug or weaving 118,131 

Rosny, Ijion de, essay on decipherment of Central- 
American picture-writing xxxv 

Schultz-SelLic, Dr. Carl, on Dresden Codex xxxvi 

Serpent as a symbol 84, 86 

Spanish writers, desciiptlon of MSS. by xi>: 

Ppear 126 

St. Andrew's cross 78 



INDEX. 



237 



Pago. 
Stephens in reference to preserving bones of tbo 

(lead 88 

Stephens' Yucatan i;j 

Stone s,\ nibol 74, 144 

Supplemental days, feasts of the 41, 59, C7, 208-215, 227 

Tadle 11 — Maya calendar for one year 8 

III. — Kan table of years 9 

IV. — Cauac table of years 9 

V. — Condensed Maya calendar 11 

VI.— Of years 18 

VII.— Of years 18 

Vni.— Of years 24 

15;.— Of years 25 

X.— Of years 27 

XI. — Years of an Ahau with names of 

the years 33 

XII. — Years of an Ahau 34 

Xm, XIV, XV.— Years of' period deaig- 

n.ated by Plates XX-XSIII . .' . . 35 
XVI. — Group of years derived from dates 

on Plate XXXI 38 

XVII. — Locating the Ahaues in the grand 

cycle 44 

XVm. — Locating the Ahaues in the grand 

cycle 45 

XIX. — Locating the Ahaues in the grand 

cycle 46 

XX. -Extended list of years of 8th,Gth, 

and 4th Ahaues 49 

XXL— Grand cycle of years 53 

XXII. —Grand cycle of years 54 

XXIII. — One cycle of years 5C 

Table of contents xi 



Page. 

Tapestry or curtains -, i:j4 

Title page of the manuscript m 

Tlaloc (deity) loj, ]00 

Tzce, festival in the mouth 220 

Tzoz, festival in the month 220 

Uac-Mitun-Ahau (deity) 05 

TJa Ivatuu, a key to fiud the Katunes 19, 55 

Uayeb-baab 56, 57, 70, 87 

TJayoyab idols 76, 81, 82 

Uo, festival in the month 218 

Valentini, Philipp J. J., on Landa's alphabet sxv 

Dr., on tlie Perez manuscript 30 

Vase character, or symbol 88, 145 

Villagullcrrie, Don Juan de, on Maya books xxiii 

Week, the 7 

of years 9 

"Wood symbol 134 

Written characters 130, 101 

Xnuc, Yucatec goddess 103, 100 

Xul, festival of the month 220 

Yax, festival in the month 223 

Yaxkin, festival in the month 221 

Yas.coc-Ahmut (deity) 03, 79 

Year hearers 11 

Years assigned to cardinal points 41 

method of naming and numbering the 9 

Yzamna 04 

-eauil (deity) 01 

Zac, festival in the month 224 

Zac-Acantun (deity) 04 

Zac-u-TJayeyab (deity) 04 

Zamna 81, 82 

Zip, festival in the month 219 



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